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DEVELOPMENT
AND
MIGRATION
DYNAMICS
BETWEEN NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA: A LONG
TERM PERSPECTIVE
By
Alberto Cortes Ramos
-
,
Doctoral Thesis
Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements
for the award of
PhD in Geography of Loughborough University
Oune, 2008)
© by Alberto Cortes Ramos (2008)
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No.
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DEVELOPMENT AND MIGRATION DYNAMICS
BETWEEN NICARAGUA AND COSTA RICA:
A LONG TERM PERSPECTIVE.
Alberto Cortes Ramos
Abstract:
This PhD thesis explores the migration dynamics between Nicaragua and Costa Rica.
Rather than just describing the main characteristics of the contemporary migration relations
between the two countries, however, it also evaluates the historical and regional contexts
within which they have been produced. This has implied the incorporation of a historicised
and multi-scale analytical perspective which has been adopted thtoughout the research. The
research therefore explores both expelling and attracting factors in both the origin (with a
particular focus upon rural communities in distinct regions of Nicaragua) and the
destination. It has also been important to analyse in some detail the continuities and
ruptures of the migration history between the two countries in order to understand the
current migration dynamics more profoundly. The research stresses that the NicaraguanCosta Rican migration dynamic should not be seen as as isolated bilateral relationship but
as part of a wider dynamic that involves the whole Central American region and that, in
general terms, migration should be seen not as an isolated pattern but as a wider process of
social transformation.
Keywords:
Nicaragua, Costa Rica, migration dynamics, development, transnational spaces, rural
migration.
2
Table of Contents
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ........................................................................................... 9
1. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................... 10
1.1 NICARAGUA'S DEVELOPMENT GEOGRAPHIES ......................................................... 10
1.2 Two SIDES OF THE COIN: NICARAGUA, A COUNTRY OF EMIGRATION, COSTA RICA A
12
COUNTRY OF IMMIGRATION ............••...................•......•••...•......•.•.....•.......•......•............
1.3 DEVELOPMENT AND THE PRODUCTION OF MIGRATION DYNAMICS BETWEEN
NICARAGUAN AND COSTA RICA AS RESEARCH PROBLEM .......•......•............•.......•........
14
1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ..........•...................•....•......••............•........•....•.................... 16
1.5 STRUCTURE OF THE THESIS ....•.......•...•.......••...........••......••......••...•••.............•......... 17
CHAPTER 2: A THEORETICAL EXPLORATION OF THE LINKAGES
BETWEEN MIGRATION DYNAMICS, TRANSNATlONAL SOCIAL SPACES
AND DEVELOPMENT............................................................................................... 21
2.1 ANALYTICAL ELEMENTS AND CATEGORIES IN MIGRATION'S DYNAMICS ..............•. 21
2.2 AN EVOLVING THEORETICAL DEBATE: FROM PUSH-PULL MODELS TO
TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION •.....•..•....••......•....••...••.•....•..•....•....•.•.......•....•.......•......... 27
2.2.1 The first wave and the long-standing influence ofRavenstein ...................... 28
2.2.2 The second wave and the structuralist 'momentum' ..................................... 36
2.2.3 The third wave and research on migration in a transnational context ......... 39
CHAPTER 3: A METHODOLOGICAL STRATEGY TO STUDY THE
INTERACTION BETWEEN TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION AND STYLE
OF DEVELOPMENT.................................................................................................. 61
3.1 EPISTEMOLOGICAL AND PERSONAL POSITIONALITY IN THE RESEARCH PROCESS .... 61
3.2 GEOGRAPHICAL SCALES TO STUDY OF TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION .•........•.•........ 64
3.3 THE HERMENEUTICAL TECHNIQUE IN THE USE OF SECONDARY SOURCES ...•.............. 65
3.3.1 The geographical scope ofthe research, the primary sources and the techniques
utilised.... ................................................................................................................. 67
3.3.2 Geographical scope delimitation .................................................................. 69
3.3.3 Explaining thefieldwork................................................................................ 72
3.3.4 Final reflection about the fieldwork ................................................................ 78
CHAPTER 4: THE CENTRAL AMERICA CONTEXT. THE GEOHISTORICAL PRODUCTION OF A TRANSNATIONAL SOCIAL SPACE
HEGEMONISED BY THE UNITED STATES ......................................................... 80
4.1. THE PRODUCTION OF CENTRAL AMERICA AS PART OF THE V.S. GEOPOLITICAL
SPHERE OF INFLUENCE IN THE CARIBBEAN BASIN ........................................................
us
83
4.1.1 The cultural premises of
imperial expansion in the Caribbean and
Central America ..................................................................................................... 86
4.1.2 Central America as part of the
Backyard in the Caribbean Basin ........ 89
4.1.3 The transformation of Central America into 'Banana Republics' (1900-1930)
................................................................................................................................ 94
4.1.4 Migration trends during the consolidation of Central America as part of a
transnational social space .................................................................................... 102
4.2 SOME COROLLARIES IN FORM OF CONCLUSiON ..................................................... 106
u.s.
us
CHAPTER 5: MODERNISATION, MARGINALlSATlON, AND MIGRATION
TRENDS IN CENTRAL AMERICA (1950-1980) .................................................. 109
3
5.1 THE BEGINNING OF THE COLD WAR ERA IN CENTRAL AMERICA ......................... 110
5.1.1 US. Geopolitics towards Central America during the period 1950-1975 .. 111
5.2 IMPOVERISHING ECONOMIC MODERNISATION, POPULATION GROWTH AND
MIGRATION DYNAMICS IN CENTRAL AMERICA (1950-1975) ..................................... 113
5.2.1 Migration dynamics during the modernisation process (1950-1975} ......... 122
5.3 A TRANSITION PERIOD: SOCIO-ECONOMIC CRISIS AND CNIL WARFARE IN CENTRAL
AMERICA (1975-1979) .............................................................................................. 125
5.3.1 Migration trends in the transition period (1975-1980) ............................... 127
CHAPTER 6: MIGRATION IN TIMES OF REVOLUTION AND LOW
INTENSITY WAR IN CENTRAL AMERICA (1980-1990) .................................. 129
6.1 US GEOPOLITICS AND THE PROMOTION OF LOW-INTENSITY WARFARE AND
DEMOCRACIES IN THE REGION DURING THE 1980s .................................................... 129
6.1.1 STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT AND NEOLlBERAL DEVELOPMENT IN CENTRAL
AMERICA IN THE 1980s ............................................................................................. 133
6.2 THE DEMOGRAPHIC DIMENSION: INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION TRENDS IN THE
PRODUCTION OF A TRANSNATIONAL SOCIAL SPACE IN CENTRAL AMERICA DURING THE
1980s ..............................................................•.......................................................... 142
6.3 THE GROWING IMPORTANCE OF THE MIGRATION DYNAMIC BETWEEN NICARAGUA AND
COSTA RICA DURING THE 1980s ................................................................................. 148
CONCLUSIONS ................................................•.......................................................... 149
CHAPTER 7: NEOLIBERAL DEVELOPMENT AND THE PRODUCTION OF
A NEW MIGRATORY TRANSNATIONAL SPACE BETWEEN NICARAGUA
AND COSTA RICA IN THE 1990S ......................................................................... 150
7.1 MAIN CHARACTERISTICS AND EFFECTS OF THE NEOLIBERAL TRANSFORMATION IN
CENTRAL AMERICA IN THE 1990s ............................................................................... 150
7.1.1 Neoliberal transformations and the production of a migratory transnational
articulation between Costa Rica and Nicaragua in the 1990s ............................ 158
7.1.1.1 NICARAGUAN NEOLIBERALTRANSFORMATION AFTER 1990s AND THE
PRODUCTION OF A COUNTRY WITH RELATIVE POPULATION SURPLUS ................... 159
7.1.1.2 NEOLIBERAL TRANSFORMATIONS AND THE PRODUCTION OF COSTA RICA AS A
LABOUR ATTRACTING COUNTRY IN THE 1990s .......................................................... 167
7.1.2 The transformation ofCostarican labour markets as a key factor for the
production ofa transnational space with Nicaragua ........................................... 177
7.1.3 Main dynamics within the migratory transnational space between Costa Rica
and Nicaragua since mid-1990s ........................................................................... 181
CONCLUSIONS ........................................................................................................... 187
CHAPTER 8: MAIN RURAL SOCIOECONOMIC STRUCTURE AND
TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE RURAL WORLD IN NICARAGUA DURING
THE 1990S .................................................................................................................. 189
8.1 MAIN RURAL CONDITIONS AND TRANSFORMATIONS DURING THE 1990s ............. 190
8.2 MAIN SOCIOECONOMIC AND GEOGRAPHIC CHARACTERISTICS OF RURAL
COMMUNITIES OF LEON, CHINANDEGA AND ESTELi .................................................. 198
8.2.1 Main geographical and socio-economic characteristics of the dry macro
region .................................................................................. .................................. 199
8.2.2 Socioeconomic structure of the selected Municipalities in Lean, Chinandega
and Estelf .... .......................................................................................................... 200
CONCLUSIONS ........................................................................................................... 204
4
CHAPTER 9. TRANSNATIONAL RURAL MIGRATION FROM NICARAGUA TO COSTA RICA.
MAIN CHARACTERISTICS OF THE HOUSEHOLDS OF RURAL COMMUNITIES FROM LEON,
CHINANDEGA AND ESTELI. ........................................................................................ 205
9.1 LEVEL OF RURAL MIGRATION FROM NICARAGUA TO COSTA RICA ....................... 206
9.1.1 Number o/migrants and their weight (percent) per households ................. 207
9.2 MAIN SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHlC CHARACTERISTICS AND MIGRATION EXPERIENCES OF
THE HOUSEHOLDS ...................................................................................................... 209
9.2.1 Household Composition and migration ....................................................... 209
9.2.2 Household dependency ratio ....................................................................... 211
9.2.2 Average age o/household members ....... ,.................................................... 214
9.2.3 Age average o/migrants .............................................................................. 215
9.2.4 Gendero/the migrants ................................................................................ 217
9.2.5 Education level and migration .................................................................... 219
9.3 MAIN ECONOMIC CHARACTERISTICS OF THE HOUSEHOLDS WITH AND WITHOUT
MIGRATION ................................................................................................................ 221
9.3.1 Annual gross and net income, poverty and migration .. ............................... 221
9.3.2 Occupation and migration ........................................................................... 226
9.3.3 Main economic activities o/the households ................................................ 229
9.3.4 Type o/property, size o/the land/or production o/the households and
migration .............................................................................................................. 231
9.3.5 Origin 0/property ownership and migration .......................... ,................... 233
CONCLUSIONS .................................................................................. , ....................... , 235
CHAPTER 10. MAIN CHARACTERISTICS OF RURAL MIGRATION DYNAMICS WITHIN THE
MIGRATORY TRANSNATIONAL SPACE FROM NICARAGUA TO COSTA RICA ................. 237
10.1 ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF RURAL SEASONAL MIGRATION TO COSTA RICA. 237
10.2 FREQUENCY OF SEASONAL LABOUR MIGRANT VISITS TO COSTA RICA ............... 240
10.3 MAIN CAUSES OF RURAL MIGRATION TO COSTA RICA, AN AGENCY PERSPECTIVE .
............................................................................................... , ....................... ,.......... 242
10.4 PRINCIPAL DESTINATIONS OF THE RURAL MIGRATION IN COSTA RICA ............... 246
10.5 MAIN ECONOMIC ACTIVITIES OF THE MIGRANTS IN COSTA RICA ....................... 251
10.5 TIME LENGTH OF STAY OF THE MIGRANTS IN COSTA RICA ................................. 255
10.6 TRAVELLING CONDITIONS AND THE LEVEL OF DOCUMENTATION OF THE MIGRANTS
.................................................................................................................................. 258
10.7 HOUSEHOLD DECISION MAKING ABOUT MIGRATION 10 COSTA RICA ................. 260
10.8 SOCIAL NETWORKS OF THE MIGRANTS IN COSTA RICA ...................................... 263
10.9 PERIODICITY, AMOUNT, MODE OF SENDING AND USE OF REMITTANCES ............. 266
CONCLUSIONS ........................................................................................................... 275
11. CONCLUSIONS ................................................................................................... 277
11.1 ACHIEVEMENT OF RESEARCH AIMS......................................................... 277
11.2 CONTRIBUTIONS AND REFLECTIONS ABOUT THEORISING MIGRATION ................ 287
11.3 NEW PERSPECTIVES FOR MIGRATION RESEARCH IN CENTRAL AMERICA ............ 289
BIBLIOGRAPHY ....................................................................................................... 292
ANNEX 1: METHODOLOGY OF THE WORKSHOP IN CONDEGA.............. 304
ANNEX 2. SEMI-STRUCTURED INTERVIEW AUTHORISATION ................ 306
LOUGHBOROUGH UNIVERSITY, 2003 .............................................................. 306
ANNEX 3: RURAL MIGRATION QUESTIONNAIRE ....................................... 307
5
zt;:mz-
'Table of Figures
Figure 2.1: Main Components of migration dynamic from an analytical viewpoint
Figure 2.2: Debates, issues and dimensions of migration
Figure 2.3: Different migration patterns
Figure 2.4: Temporal and Spatial Dimensions of Human Mobility
Figure 2.5: Modernisation and migration stage model
Figure 2.6: Transnational research categories, contents and authors
Figure 3.1: Nicaragua and Costa Rica. National census years.
Figure 3.2: Nicaragua. Location of Selected Departments. Chinandega, Lean and Estelf.
Figure 3.3: Nicaragua. Selected departments information (Size and Population distribution), 1995.
Figure 3.4: Somotillo and Villanueva, Department of Chinandega.
Figure 3.5: Condega, Department of Estelf.
Figure 3.6: La Paz Centra and Nagarote, Department ofLe6n.
Figure 3.7: Rural Household Survey, samples by Community, Municipality and Department.
Figure 3.8: Interviews with exprt~
Figure 3.9: Date and Information of the Community workshop.
Figure 3.10: Scales and levels of analysis for the study of migrant tmnsnational spaces between Nicamgua and Costa
Rica.
Figure 4.1: Principal limits ofthe U.S. maritime interests in the early twentieth centuries.
Figure 4.2: The United States and the World from 1898 Q-Iall and Brignolli).
Figure 4.3: Central America distances.
Figure 4.4: V.S. Interventions in the Caribbean Basin, 1846-1936.
Figure 4.5: Direct U.S. Investment in Central America, 1897-1929.
Figure 4.6: Banana producing areas of Central America, 1885-1950.
Figure 4.7: Central America. Population and Population density in 1900 and 1930,
Figure 4.8: Central American International Immigration. 1880s-194Os.
Figure 5.1: Central America Exports, Imports and Trade Balance (1930-1945).
Figure 5.2: Central America, Economic Growth., 1950-79 (Annual Median Rate of GDP Growth).
Figure 5.3: Commercial Bank Credit destined for Agriculture (including cattle) in US$ millions, 1961, 1965, 1970. The
I
.
data in brackets is the
(percent), 1988-2000.
Figure 7.11: Costa Rica. Direct Foreign Investment (USS millions), 1990-2003.
Figure 7.12: Costa Rica. Total Exportations (US$ Millions), 1990-2003.
Figure 7.13: Costa Rica. Tourist sector growth (US$ millions), 1990-2003.
Figure 7.14: Costa Rica. GDP annual rate of growth, 1992-2003.
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6
Figure 7.15: Costa Rica. External openness index (percent), 1994-2004.
Figure 7.16: Costa Rica. Maize, Beans and Plantains Total Yields (thousands of tons), 1990-2003.
Figure 7.17: Costa Rica. Cultivated Area of Maize and Beans (Hectares), 1985-2000.
Figure 7.18: Costa Rican Labour Force (thousands of workers), 1990-2004.
Figure 7.19: Costa Rica. Evolutions of the Active Economic Population by Economic Activity (thousands of
workers),1990-2004.
Figure 7.20: Costa Rica and Nicaragua. Unemployment rate, 1985-2003.
Figure 7.21: Costa Rica. Women and Men Economic Active Participation in the Labour Markets, 1980-1995.
Figure 7.22: Costa Rica. Urban and Rural Active Population, 1980-2005 (Thousands).
Figure 7.23: Costa Rica Population Census of 2000. Nicaraguan Immigrant'S Year of Arrival.
Figure 7.24: Costa Rica. Nicaraguan immigrants in the Population Census of 1950, 1963, 1973, 1984-, 2000.
Figure 7.25: Costa Rican Population Census of 2001. Nicarnguan Immigrants geographical location in Costa Rican
Provinces and in Urban and Rural Areas (absolute and relative terms).
Figure 8.1: Nicaragua. Population under poverty limits, general, urban and rural (1993, 1998, 2001).
Figure 8.2: Nicaragua. Population under extreme poverty limits, general, urban and rural (1993, 1998,2001).
Figure 8.3: Nicaragua. Level of rural and urban households with access to drinkable water (percent), (1993, 1998 and
2001).
Figure 8.4: Nicaragua. Level of rural and urban households with access to energy (percent), (1993, 1998 and 2001 ).
Figure 8.5: Nicaragua. Urban and Rural Economically Active Population (1993, 1998, 2001; percent).
Figure 8.6: Nicaragua. Urban and Rural level of unemployment, 1990-1999 (percent).
Figure 8.7: Nicaragua. Agriculture income per day (US$) and Coverage of the Family Basic Basket (percent), 1990-
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1999.
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Figure 8.8: Nicaragua and Costa Rica. Relation between agriculture sector nominal income and the family basic
basket (percent), 1995 and 2000.
Figure 8.9: Prices of coffe, maize and beans; USS per hundred pounds, 1990-1999.
Figure 9.1: Households with migration in Rural Communities of Le6n, EsteU and Chinandega to Costa Rica.
Figure 9.2: Households with migration to Costa Rica by selected rural communities of the Departments (percent).
199
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209
Figure 9.3: Number of migrants per household with rural migration to Costa Rica.
Figure 9.4: Percent of Migrants to Costa Rica as percent of the total household members by Department.
Figure 9.5: Average Composition of Household (average) for the full sample and by Department.
Figure 9.6: Comparison of Average Household Composition with households with and without migration to Costa
Rica.
Figure 9.7: Average number of Household Members per household of Le6n, Chinandega and Esteli with and
without migration to Costa Rica.
Figure 9.8: Dependency Ratio in Households with :and without migration to Costa Rica.
Figure 9.9: Dependent members (percent) in households with and without migration to Costa Rica by department.
Figure 9.10: Average age of the members of households with and without migration.
Figure 9.11: Average age of household members for households with and without migration to Costa Rica.
Figure 9.12: Age average of migrants and non migrmts.
Figure 9.13: Gender of rural migrants to Costa Rica (percent).
Figure 9.14: Distribution of migration by gender and by department (percent).
Figure 9.15: Education level in accordance to years of literacy.
Figure 9.16: Level of Education in Migrants and Non Migrants (average years of schooling).
Figure 9.17: Households below and above the poverty line. General, with and without migration (percent).
Figure 9.18: Househo!ds with and without migration below the poverty line by department (percent).
Figure 9.19: Households with Annual Income Surplus (percent). General, with and without migration.
Figure 9.20: Households with Annual Surplus (percent). General, with and without migration in Le6n, Chinandega
and EsteU.
Figure 9.21: Main occupations in the interviewed rural households.
Figure 9.22: General occupation of the household members without students.
Figure 9.23: Main occupations in non migrants and migrants to Costa Rica.
Figure 9.24: Main economic activities of households with and without migration to Costa Rica.
Figure 9.25: Type of property of the land used by the households with and without migration (percent).
Figure 9.26: Type of property and size (Mz, Mean) of L:and used by the households with and without migration to
Costa Rica.
Figure 9.27: Origin of the land owned by the households with and without migration.
Figure 10.1: Pattern of Rural Seasonal Migration Frequencies from Nicaragua to Costa Rica, 1990-2003.
Figure 10.2. General Migration dynamics. Frequency of seasonal migration to Costa Rica, 1990-2003.
Figure 10.3: General Rural Migration Dynamics. Frequency of the seasonal migration to Costa Rica, 1990-2003.
Figure 10.4: Main causes of Migration (total, percent), period 1990-2003.
Figure 10.5: Le6n. Main causes of migration (percent), 1990-2003.
Figure 10.6: Esteu' Main causes of migration (percent), 1990 2003.
Figure 10.7: Chinandega. Main causes of migration (percent), 1990-2003.
Figure 10.8: Principal destination of the rural migrants in Costa Rica (percent), 1990-2003.
Figure 10.9: Principal destination in Costa Rica of the migrants from Le6n (percent).
Figure 10.10: Principal destinations in Costa Rica of the migrants from EsteU (percent).
Figure 10.11: Principal destinations in Costa Rica of the migrants from Chinandega (percent).
Figure 10.12: Main activities of the migrants in Costa Rica (percent).
Figure 10.13: Main activities of the migrants from Le6n in Costa Rica (percent).
Figure 10.14: Main activities of the migrants from Esteli in Costa Rica (percent).
Figure 10.15: Main activities of the migrants from Chinandega in Costa Rica (percent).
Figure 10.16: Length of stay of the migrants in Costa Rica in general and by department (percent).
Figure 10.17: Travel conditions. Documented and Non Documented Migration (percent).
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7
Figure 10.18: Documented Migrants. Type of permission or documentation.
Figure 10.19: Household support to the migration decision (percent).
Figure 10.20: Level of participation of the Household in the decision to migrate to Costa Rica (percent).
Figure 10.21: Composition of the migrants' contacts in Costa Rica (percent).
Figure 10.22: Contacts of the migrants with relatives and known people in Costa Rica before their departure
(percent).
Figure 10.23: Support to the migrants from the relatives and known people in Costa Rica (percent).
Figure 10.24~
TyPe of support the migrants received from their contacts in Costa Rica (percent).
Figure 10.25: Existence of remittances in households with migration (percent).
Figure 10.26: Periodicity of remittance transfer (percent).
Figure 10.27: Amount of remittances transfered by the migrants (amount in month average, percent).
Figure 10.28: Main means of sending remittances from Costa Rica to Nicaragua (percent).
Figure 10.29: Households main uses of remittances (percent).
Figure 10.30: Household uses of remittances by department (percent).
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8
Acknowledgements
A research process and, in general, the production of knowledge is a collective process.
The final outcome, a piece of paper that is written by an author, is the result of a
combination of thoughts, reflections, but also emotions that were shared with different
people throughout the thesis wtiting up process. This is the case because during the
development of my PhD studies in Loughborough University several persons and
institutions collaborated directly and indirectly with my research. Without their support it
would have been impossible for me to finish my work. That is why I wish to dedicate this
section to recognize their support.
I want to start expressing a sincere acknowledgement to my main supervisor Dr. Ed Brown
who gave me the opportunity to research under his guidance and supervision. Beyond
that, Ed was not only my supervisor but also my friend.
I received motivation;
encouragement and support from him duting all my studies. I also want to thank the
motivation, inspiration and insightful comments and support I received from Professor
David Slater, my second supervisor. From these two persons, I am completely grateful.
I want to thank to Matio de Franco, in that moment advisor of the presidency of
Nicaragua, who provided me with the funding and the resources for the development of
the survey in Esteli, Lean and Chinandega in Nicaragua. I also want to thank to ligia
Monge from Octupan, who helped me to organise the fieldwork and gave useful insights
about the rural migration from Condega to Costa Rica.
The financial support and scholarships of the Ford Foundation, Loughborough University
and Universidad de Costa Rica were fundamental to allowed me to succed in my PhD.
Thanks to these institutions for their support.
I also want to deeply thank the support, company and friendship of my very friends
Geraldo Games, Selma van Houwelingen, Luis Rivera, Patricia Roberts, Pablo Ruiz and
Maria Fernanda Salfity.
At last, I would like to thank my family, Eugenia and Anamaria, for their unconditional
support, inspiration and love.
I dedicate this thesis to the Nicaraguan rural migrants in Costa Rica and to the memory of
my father, Alejandro Cartes Cordero (rip.).
Alberta Cartes Ramos
9
1. Introduction
This PhD thesis is about the relationship between migration dynamics and development
between Nicaragua and Costa Rica during a long period of time. In fact, these two
countries have had a long history of migration that has intertwined and mixed their people
and societies practically since their independence at the beginning of 19'" century. In some
moments, this history was oriented by solidarity and fraternity and in other moments it was
oriented by rejection or conflict; however, there can be no doubt about the intensity of this
relationship that ultimately has been expressed in the constitution of thousands of binational families' in the 1990s and also thousands of permanent, semi-permanent and
seasonal workers coming and going from Nicaragua to Costa Rica and viceversa.
My research process was oriented to try to explain, in the best possible way, how the
migration dynamics from Nicaragua to Costa Rica throughout their history have
contributed to transform the development process in both countries in different modes.
Although at the beginning I was most interested in understanding push factors in
Nicaragua, to gain an effective understanding of the social production of migration
dynamics it was also necessary to analyse the pulling conditions in Costa Rica.
The process of delimiting the scope of my research objectives obliged me to formulate and
answer some key questions, such as: what would be the best theoretical approach to
apprehend the migration process ongoing between Nicaragua and Costa Rica?, what are the
best qualitative and quantitative instruments and techniques for analysing migration
characteristics, dynamics and production and also questions related to the scope of the
research?, like what kind of migration should I study? I also needed to address how far
back in time I needed to go in order to understand the present migration dynamics
between the two countries and what different scales of analysis I would need to employ
(regional, bi-national, national and local) I had, therefore, to answer many questions before
even embarking upon this research process. At the end of the exploratory process I have
described here, I had something clear in my mind; I wanted not only to describe the main
characteristics of the migration between the two countries, but also how they were
produced. This implies the incorporation of a historicised and multi-scale analytical
perspective which is what I have attempted to adopt throughout the thesis.
1.1 Nicaragua's developmentgeographies
Nicaragua is a small peripheral country located in the middle of Central America and with a
very intense history. During the last century it has suffered from imperial interventions
10
(1912-1933) and a dynastic dictatorship that lasted almost five decades (1936-1979) and was
supported by the same imperial power. It had a popular revolution (1979-1990), headed by
the Sandinista Front for National Liberation (FSLN) that was a dialectical response to the
long dark period of dictatorship. The revolutionary process transformed the country in a
radical way, including literacy and vaccination campaigns, land reform, popular
mobilisation and organisation, and strong participation of the State in the economy. During
the first years of the Revolution, the popular support was massive. However, from the
beginning the revolution was resisted by the traditional power elite and by the US
government who supported counter-revolutionary organisations. The combination of many
factors, including the US intervention, the civil war, and the FSLN's own mistakes,
undermined their popular support. At the end of the 1980s, the correlation resulting from
the clash of revolutionary and counterrevolutionary forces resulted in a new synthesis, a
liberal democratic regime with an economy mainly driven by market forces. It is possible to
say that after the defeat of the FSLN in the 1990 elections, a counter-revolutionary process
started oriented towards the dismantling of the main symbolic and institutional
achievements of the Revolution. As is logical, this process of counter-reform has been
contested and resisted in many ways but what is clear is that there is no return to the
revolutionary 80s. As it would be discuss here, migration is one of many responses to this
massive transformation.
In my original research proposal for this thesis I was interested mainly in emigration from
Nicaragua to neighbouring Costa Rica from 1990 to 2003. The main reason I waS
interested in this was the enormity of the flow, approximately four hundred thousand
people in less than ten years. The question that I asked myself was, "why are the Nicaraguan
people leaving their country now that there is no war, but 'democracy'?'" My initial answer to my own
question was that emigration from Nicaragua was nothing more than the symptom of a
massive process of social exclusion that was being provoked by the now dominant
Neoliberal development. In theoretical terms our migration could be seen as the response
to a structural change. This, in some way, became my working hypothesis, the idea that I
wanted to prove with my research.
It is important to clarify that my concern about the flow of Nicaraguan migrants to Costa Rica was
not because I felt 'invaded by the barbarians', as some Costa Ricans have expressed it. As a matter of fact, I
was born in Nicaragua but my mother is Costa Rican. I live in Costa Rica, but I still have strong ties and
feelings towards my country of origin. Hence, I belong to both worlds. Instead, my personal motivation was
to try and understand what is happening in Nicaragua so that so many people are being forced to leave their
own country, with all that such a decision implies: to leave family, friends, and so on ....
11
="
In fact, I was particularly interested in wider structural transformations in Nicaragua and its
relationship with the population expelling dynamic that was ongoing in the country. My
perspective suffered an adjustment however when I realised that my original approach
would not have been able to say anything about the country of destiny and the kind of
transformation that was happening in Costa Rica that needed to attract and absorb such
amount of immigrants in their economic dynamic. After this I decided to adjust the focus
of my research. I was still interested in migration as a structural response to the impacts of
Neoliberal transformations in Nicaragua, but I also wanted
to
try to understand what was
ongoing in Costa Rica and how this connected to particular processes of, in a more precise
expression, get articulated.
1.2 Two sides of the coin: Nicaragua, a country of emigration, Costa Rica a country
ofimmigration
During the last century, Nicaragua has been a social laboratory of human displacements,
from both internal and external economic migration to forced political and economic
emigration. At the end of the 19'h and beginning of the 20,h centuries, the country was
feeding the need of labour force to Costa Rica, particularly for minery, the railroad
construction and the banana enclave. In the 1950s, the main displacements were internal:
rural-urban migration, and rural-rural (frontier colonisation) migration. The main causes of
this migration were the capitalist transformation of Nicaraguan agriculture, based upon the
geographical expansion of landownership, and the consequent displacement of the
peasantry. A rapid process of urbanisation accompanied this trend (Ramirez, 1993: 13-14;
Pasos, 1994: 27-8; Utting, 1996: 33). This was also a common pattern in the rest of Central
America during this period (Kay, 2001: 741-775). In the 1970s, the main pushing factor for
international migration was the Somoza dictatorship's repression and the growing political
and military conflict. In the 1980s, after the triumph of the Sandinista Revolution, the main
pushing factors were the war, the radical process of social transformation underway in the
country, and the ideological conflicts with the revolutionary process (Vargas et al, 1995).
Duting the Sandinista Revolution the land reform2 in the Pacific and interior of the
country, as well as the counterrevolutionary war in the Northern and the Southern borders,
were the main reasons for internal rural displacements. It is also important to mention the
2.5 million of manzanos (mi!1) of land were redistributed during this period, equivalent to 32% of the
farming land of the country (Envio, 1997: 3).
2
12
forced mobilisation of indigenous people and the impact of the war in the Caribbean
region (Ramirez, 1993: 9-80). Clearly in the Nicaraguan experience of the last thirty years,
violence and conflict have been the main causes for the migration flows of its population.
As a consequence of the reduction in violence and the regional peace process, there was an
important inflow of returning Nicaraguans at the beginning of the 1990s, mainly from
Miami, Honduras and Costa Rica. In fact, the Nicaraguan refugee camps rapidly
disappeared from these two Central American countries. In general terms, there were
positive expectations about living in Peace amongst the Nicaraguan people for the first
time in many decades. It was hoped that one of the dividends of Peace was going to be to
increase the living standard of the majority of the population, by means of the conversion
of military resources into resources for peace and democracy. Also there were expectations
about the level of financial support that would arrive from international cooperation to
rebuild the country. However, the application of Structural Adjustment and external debt
obligations over the ensuing years prevented the allocation of resources from military
purposes to social development (Fitzgerald et al, 2001). After a few years of pacification
and political stability, Nicaragua began to show significant internal and international
displacements of population in the mid-1990s. Internally, the main flows have been from
the countryside to the capital, Managua, but also from the Pacific, North, and Central
regions towards the South and the Caribbean regions of the country (PNUMA-OEA,
1997). The main international migration currents have been oriented towards the United
States of America, principally Miami, with 177,648 official Nicaraguan immigrants; and
Costa Rica, which has received around 400,000 Nicaraguans from rural and urban areas
throughout the 1990s (La Naci6n, 2000). In sum, approximately 20% of the total
population (4.8 million) of Nicaragua emigrated during the last decade. The achievement of
liberal democracy has not therefore, changed the historical trend: throughout the 1990s
Nicaragua has still been losing its population, in fact in even higher proportions than
during previous decades.
The case of Costa Rica is very different to the North neighbour country. This small
country has had a long history of what could be conceptualised as relative labour shortage
for long periods of 19'", 20,h and present century, that configured it as a country of
population attraction or reception. As it has been discussed by authors such as Alvarenga
(1999)
and Sand oval (2003), this central feature had a long durfe influence in the
13
construction of the Costa Rican national identity, but also a very important influence in the
form of the accumulation regime or, to put it in other words, in the configuration and
regulation of both capital-labour relationships and labour market structures and, in this
line, in the development process. In fact, the level of exploitation between 'Costaricans'
was less strong than in the rest of the Central American countries where the societies were
crossed by Ethnic dimensions due to the existance of significant indigenous or
afrocaribbean popularion that created a labour force surplus. Furthermore, there were two
different forms of accumulation regimes: one for the 'Nationals', mainly located in the
Central Valley, and other for the 'Others' (immigrants), mainly located in the Caribbean
and Pacific coasts or linked to enclave economy, generating a sort of 'dual' development.
As is discussed throughout this thesis, is the combination of economic expansion and
relative labour force scarcity which has contributed to make Costa Rica a pullingpopulation society or, better, a country of immigration. In historical terms, the main
population 'supplier' was Nicaragua. This phenomenon has created a very intense bond
between both societies but also a very strong and uneven articulation on many levels:
cultural, demographic, political and economic.
1.3 Development and the production of migration dynamics between Nicaraguan
and Costa Rica as research problem
If my main proposal is to study the production of migration dynamics between Nicaragua
and Costa Rica in different periods of their history, then is necessary to study both the
pulling and the pushing social formations. In my first approach to the topic, it is evident
that in spite of the significance of this massive displacement of Nicaraguan people, it has
been Costa Rican researchers who have done most of the research about this particular
migration process thus far. Their focus is very diverse: immigrant insertion conditions,
social and economic impact of immigrants, human rights, health and reproductive patterns
of the immigrants, and so on. Clearly then, the focus is oriented towards the immigrants in
the receptive country, Costa Rica (Acufia and Olivares, 1999; Chen Mok et ai, 2000;
CODEHUCA, 1998; Morales, 1997a, 1997b, 1999a, 1999b; Morales and Castro, 1998 and
2002; Samandu and Pereira, 1996).
My hypothesis here is that, in general terms, it is NGOs, scholars, and state agencies of the
recipient countries who are most interested in knowing who are the others within their
14
borders, how many of them are there, where are they, what are they doing and so on. For
some of these, particularly those related to Government, are trying to control the migration
process, or to revert it. Others are trying to understand the phenomenon in a spirit of
solidarity in order to defend the migrants' human and labour rights and also to try to
include them in the coverage of Costa Rica's social services. It is important to point out
that most of this research is related to urban migration or labour insertion. The rural
dynamics are less researched, probably because is seasonal and makes the srudy more
expensive and difficult.
On the Nicaraguan side (or even beyond that, in the work of international scholars
researching the countty), there is worrying lack of research on what is surely one of the
most important social and economic processes affecting the nation throughout its history.
For example, in relation to the current migration dynamics there existed little academic or
policy oriented research. Most of it is focused on political, social, and economic
institutional changes and effects, but within the Nicaraguan national boundaries (Close,
1999; Walker, 1997 and 2000; Delhom and Musset, 2000). Admitedly, some international
institutions, as well as some NGOs and economists, are starting to look at the economic
side of migration, particularly the growing importance of remittances for the Nicaraguan
economy. The Interamerican Development Bank (IDB), for example, calculates that
remittances now represent 14.4% of the GNP (El Pais, 2001). However, as is common in
most of the literature about migration, there is a gap concerning the 'push' factors in the
expelling country.
Along these lines, I pointed out in a paper (Cortes Ramos, 2003) that until the beginning of
2000 there was an impressive silence about the out-migration process that was ongoing in
the country and that was affecting at least one in every five Nicaraguan households. I called
such phenomenon a politics and culture of silence around emigration and I mentioned
some possible factors that might explain such a silence, but concluded that the most
important was that at the end of the day out-migration was actually very functional for
those ruling the country. This is because out-migration both contributes to reducing the
pressure upon Nicaraguan labour markets and social services but also, by means of
remittances, contributes towards poverty alleviation and reducing national balance of
payments deficits. To open a public debate about the migration process in the expelling
society could imply talking about why migration is produced and that is something that
15
maybe some powerful sectors prefer to keep quiet. What is clear, however, is that there is a
need to explore in a deeper way the causes of emigration in Nicaragua. I hope this thesis
could contribute with such purpose.
In relation to the articulation of development processes and migration dynamics research
on this subject was done by Morales and Castro (2002) and Morales (2007). This works
were focus upon the transnational dynamics in the Costa Rican-Nicaraguan border regions
and in Central America, but there still a lack of analysis about two points, first, the
historical production of this articulation (what I named structural contingence) and,
second, the main characteristics of the migratory dynamics and its linkage with the
development process between Nicaragua to Costa Rica.
That is why I decided to go beyond than in my original proposal, in which I was interested
in analysing the conditions and factors that were expelling population from Nicaragua to
Costa Rica. In the research process I realised that to understand the social production of
this migration, it was important to analyse with some detail continuities and ruptures in the
migration history between both countries. Secondly, that in general terms, the NicaraguanCosta Rican migration dynamic should not be seen as an isolated bilateral relationship but
as part of a wider process of transnationalisation. A last element that became clear to me
throughout the research process was that, in general terms, migration should be seen not as
an isolated pattern but as part of a wider process of social transformation in both the
recipient and the expelling societies.
1.4 Research questions
Taking into account the prevlOus elements, I formulated the following main research
questions of the thesis:
From a long-term perspective, what have been the main migration dynamics and
relationship between Nicaragua and Costa Rica? What are the main characteristics of
these dynamics in every period?
How these migration dynamics were produced? What is the relation between migration
and development in every period? What kind of development they contributed to
produce and reproduce?
What were the main characteristics of the social space to which they were articulated to
between Nicaragua and Costa Rica?
16
Where this spaces transnational? In what sense and how migration was connected to
this condition?
1.5 Structure of the Thesis
To answer these questions, I structured the thesis into ten chapters. Chapter 2 describes
the main analytical and conceptual components that allow for the treatment of migration as
a complex social process. It also includes an analysis of how different schools of thought
explain migration and its relationship with development, including the Demographic, the
Neoclassical, the Structuralist and the Transnational schools. At the end of this chapter
there is an explanation of the main concepts that would be orienting my research.
Chapter 3 is dedicated to explaining the main scope of the research, including the
geographical and historical foci, as well as describing the main techniques that were used to
obtain the necessary information to answer the research questions. It provides a detailed
account of all the research activities that were carried out and explains my positionality in
the research process.
Chapter 4 analyses the first period, 1900-1930, which is a critical historical one in the
configuration of Central America as the US' backyard, a process of regional development
based upon geopolitical and economic factors. In terms of migration dynamics, it draws
attention to the fact that there was a vety intense migration dynamic from Nicaragua to
Costa Rica related to the railway construction, and the development of minery and banana
enclave economy in the Caribbean and Pacific areas of the latter. This points towards one
of the most significant conclusions of the thesis, which is that, in historical terms, the
migration dynamic between Nicaragua and Costa Rica has been marked by the existence of
a relative lack of labour power in Costa Rica and a relative surplus of labour power in
Nicaragua.
Chapter 5 is then dedicated to explaining the second period, 1950-1975, which was one of
the most intense periods for the region in terms of geopolitics, development and regional
migration. On the one hand, this period marked the beginning of the Cold War era, a
geopolitical order that Central America experienced with intensity. On the other hand, this
was also a period of intense transformation in the development orientation, including
economic, demographic and social terms. In relation to the migration dynamics, most of
17
the trends were internal during this period, with the exception of the sizeable migration
from El Salvador to Honduras that eventually culminated in an international war. However,
at the end of the 1970s, with the onset of increasing social conflicts a new wave of
international migration began which was marked by its political dimension. In that period,
Costa Rica became a major recipient of Nicaraguan and other Central American political
immigration and refugees.
The third period, 1980-1990, explored in Chapter 6 represents and intensification of the
geopolitical crisis, but also a change in the style of development, in part as a response to a
very severe economic crisis at the end of the 70s and beginning of the 80s. In terms of the
causes of migration, it deepened the main trends of the previous period. This decade was,
however, marked by the triumph of the Nicaraguan Revolution in 1979 and the arrival of
Ronald Reagan to the US Presidency in 1980. In geopolitical terms, this coincidence
contributed to increasing levels of political and military conflict in the region. In the
economic realm, the previous style of development which combined import substitution
with traditional and non traditional agriculture exports suffered from a terminal crisis and
regional development suffered a radical reorientation towards a Neoliberal path, including
among other, Stabilisation and Structural Adjustment Programs promoted by the
International Financial Institutions that started in a context of political and military crisis.
The combination of these factors created a massive flow of Central American migrants
across the region and also towards the United States. Nicaraguan migration, in particular,
towards Costa Rica increased significantly until 1990 when there was a regime change in
Nicaragua and thousands of Nicaraguans returned to their country.
Chapter 7 analysed the current period, 1990-2003, marked by the consolidation of the
Neoliberal style of development and the production of a new wave of migration dynamics
between Nicaragua and Costa Rica in the 1990s'. This chapter gives an account of the main
economIc
and
social
transformations
characterised
by
a growing process
of
transnationalisation, which is reflected in the growing importance of non-traditional
exports, trade liberalisation, and the privatisation of public enterprises and services in
favour of transnational corporations. In the particular case of the migration dynamics from
Nicaragua to Costa Rica, they created a sort of asymmetrical structural complementarity
that was very functional for the power elites of both countries. The new flow of
Nicaraguan immigrants was more complex than the migration dynamics of previous
18
periods, including quantitative elements such as the greater amount of people that is
migrating, but also qualitative factors such as gender, demographic features, and the
complexity of the origin, insertion and periodicity.
In essence, out-migration was very functional to Nicaragua in order to reduce the social
pressure on labour markets and the provision of public services, whilst Costa Rica, which
was experiencing an aggressive process of economic expansion, was experiencing a
situation of relative labour force scarcity that could not be overcome by its national
population alone. This unintended historical coincidence stimulated a massive and complex
flow of Nicaraguan migration to Costa Rica during the period studied in this chapter (19902003), strengthening the transnationallinkages between the economies and societies of the
two countries.
Chapter 8 is about the 'Main rural socioeconomic structure and transformations in the rural
world in Nicaragua during the 1990s' is a link between the previous chapter and chapters 9
and 10 that contain an in-depth analysis of the rural migration dynamics. In this case, the
chapter seeks to give a more precise idea of the structural conditions and situation of the
rural world in Nicaragua during the 1990s, highlighting the existing gap between the rural
and urban world. After doing so, it goes beyond, giving more information about the three
selected departments where the rural households of the case study are located. This is
particular important because there are significant socio-economic and structural difference
amongst these departments that could contribute to explain the different seasonal rural
dynamics to Costa Rica.
Chapter 9 'Migration from Nicaragua to Costa Rica. Main characteristics of the households
with migration of rural communities from Lean, Chinandega and Esteli' and Chapter 10
'Main Characteristics of the Seasonal Rural Migration Dynamics from Nicaragua to Costa
Rica' are inter-twined chapters, dedicated to analysing the case study utilised in the thesis,
namely the transnational migration from the rural communities of Lean, Esteli and
Chinandega (in Northern Nicaragua) to Costa Rica. Chapter 9, on the one hand, presents a
detailed characterisation of the demographic, economic, and social features of the migrants
and their households, whilst, on the other hand, Chapter 10 explains their main migration
patterns and dynamics, including issues such as frequency, activities, destinies, time length,
travelling conditions, documentation, decision making, social networks and remittances.
19
The main findings of these chapters confirm the intensity of the linkage or articulation
between Nicaragua and Costa Rica development process, not only in terms of the
migration dynamics, but also in terms of the connectivity between their labour markets and
economies in which the migrants play a fundamental role.
There is a final chapter of Conclusions, which includes a summary of the main findings
obtained in the process of answering the main research questions.
20
CHAPTER 2: A theoretical exploration of the linkages between
migration dynamics, transnational social spaces and development.
The main purpose of this chapter is twofold. On the one hand, to give an idea of the state
of the art in the theoretical realms, through reviewing the main currents of thought that
have been developed to understand and explain migration. On the other hand, to explain
the main theoretical concepts and elements that will be used throughout this thesis. Before
starting, it is necessary to highlight that the definition of the theoretical framework has
been one of the most challenging, but interesting, parts of my PhD research journey. There
is a paradox here because, as Boyle and others point out (Boyle et aI, 1998: 1), 'migration'
seems to be a simple concept, where '(p)eople move between places'. However, when the
concept is thoroughly analysed, what looks simple from a distance becomes an extremely
complex and multi-faceted social phenomenon reflecting, not only technical or linguistic
debates about how to define migration but also the fact that questions such as, how to
define who is a migrant need to be answered in the light qf new realities created by global
processes as well as macro-regional integration. One example of these complexities is the
European Union and its massive intra-regional population flows. Are the people coming
from other European countries 'immigrants' in the traditional sense? Are they foreigners?
What is the difference between being a foreigner and being an immigrant? What about the
negative connotations of some words related to some particular migration dynamics, such
as 'asylum-seeker' in the English and Nordic contexts? And, what about the difference that
means someone is known as an 'illegal' instead of a 'non-documented' immigrant? It would
be possible to continue along these lines, but it is not necessary for the purposes of this
research to go further into this debate about definitions, connotations, discourses and
power.'
2.1 Analytical elements and categories in migration's dynamics
From an analytical point of view, migration is not a single process, but a process that
embraces many processes, or better, it is a process of processes. In the conventional
definition (Blanco, 2000: 20; Portes and Borocz, 1993: 607-618) migration involves at least
three main elements: an expelling society/place or origin; a recipient society/place or
context of reception and an agent (migrant). Any of these elements could be studied by
3
In the specific case that I have studied, a very important work along these lines is Sandoval's 'OtroJ
Amenazantel (2003), about how Costa Rican society has culturally constructed the Nicaraguan immigrants as
the Hthreatening others" and the "scapegoats" of old and new problems that Costa Rican society is
confronting.
21
themselves. In the 1990s many scholars researching migration have added one more unit
of analysis: the linkages between the immigrants in the host sociery and the original
communities.
In relation to the first of these elements it is possible to ask questions such as why and
how migration is produced; what is the impact of migration for the 'human-exporting'
communiry, region or country and what is migration's impact (cost/benefit trade-off) upon
the expelling sociery? In relation to the recipient sociery there are also many questions to
answer. What is the impact of immigration? How many immigrants are there and who are
they? Where are they living? What are they doing? What is the relation between the
newcomers and the existing residents? How should immigration be managed and what are
the various consequences of immigration policies?
Concerning the migrants as social agents or actors, the main questions are related to
his/her decisions to emigrate, namely why he/she decided to migrate and how he/she
made the decision and, in relation to the subjective side, what were his/her expectations?
It is also possible to raise questions about the relationships and linkages between the
immigrant and his/her original family, communiry, or country, as well as about the
immigrant's experience of returning to his/her original communiry after the migration
experience. Finally, in relation to the linkage between the immigrant in the host sociery
and the original communiry and country, we could ask whether we are witnessing the
development of a new sort of migration, a transnational migration that has a double sense
of national belongness that challenges national boundaries and identities or whether this is
only a new fashion for renaming international migration. Figure 2.1 shows the main
analytical components of migration dynamics.
22
Figure 2.1: Main components of international migration dynamic from an analytical
viewpoint
I.
.1
E mIgrant
Emigration
I mmlgrant
1
r
Immigration
Linkage
ORIGIN
Exporting
community
•
I
Transnational
migration
returned
migrant
.
Linkage
DESTINY 1
Recipient community
p
,--_w_n_tox_t_O_h_,,+;e:.."_·o_n-1
.J
~
DESTINY 2
Recipient community
-;_~d:,ontex0if'.p"·/
.............. mm...........m........... J
retum
Source: based on Blaneo, 2000, 16; modified by the author.
Along the same lines, it is possible to analyse different dimensions of the impacts of
migration on both expelling and recipient societies, as well as migrants. Blanea (2000: 20)
mentions at least four of these dimensions, namely demographic, economic, social, and
cultural. But we should also add political, legal and institutional, gender and environmental
dimensions to this list. Figure 2.2 illustrates some of the possible consequences of
migration.
23
- ...
19ure 22: D e bates, issues anddi menSl0ns 0 f mlgratlOu
DIMENSIONS
EXPELLING SOCIETY
Demogrilphic
-
RECIPIENT SOCIETY
It could mitigate population
-
It could lighten demographic pressure.
It could contribute to population ageing.
-
-
MIGRANTS
It could
-
decrease.
It could make the population
younger.
It could b, conducive to
It could stimulate rural depopulation.
reproductive
immigrants. 4
change
patterns
the
of
-
Economic
urban overpopulation.
It could increase available
-
It could reduce poverty by increasing the
consumption capacity of migrant's families.
-
It,
remittances
could
contribute
equilibrating the balance of payment at
national level
It stimulates "brain-drain" and decreases
human capital.
It could increase innovation economic
capacity (returns).
It could decrease available labour force.
-
-
-
-
-
Migration "n create social change
through social mobility.
could
It e,n separate families ,nd
generate associated problems.
It could create new hierarchies ,nd
differences between families with and without
migration in terms of consumption and levels
of poverty.
-
It could stimulate the creation
of dual labour markets (the heavy
work, risky and badly paid jobs
tend to be for documented and
non-documented immigrants)
It could increase competition
for public resource access.
It could create
NGOs,
,nd
Grassroots
movements
networks of solidarity tei support
immigrants.
It could increase the room to
manoeuvre for businesses to lower
labour standards.
-
-
-
Immigrants
could
improve the capacity of
consumption of their family.,
particularly if they migrate in
, -
to
-
Social
-
labour force.
It could bring qualified human
resources (selective migration)
a regular condition ,5
Immigrants could suffer
from lack of job stability and
unemployment.
Immigrants frequently
obtain the riskier and lowerpaid iobs.
could
lead
to
It
vulnerability and lack of
protection.
It
could
lead
to
adaptation to
different
culture and to a different way
of living.
It could lead to isolation,
,nd
marginality
discrimination.
Migration
could
postpone personal projects of
the immigrant.
Migration in itself could
be a very important personal
project for the immigrant.
- It could lead to immigrant
loss of identity and alienation.
A migrant could live in a
more open environment in
cultural and social terms (this
is particularly important in
women and young
immigrants).
-
-
-
-
,
-
-
-
Cultural
It could break-off cultural tradition
transmissions between generations.
It could increase the risk of culturn.l
'colonisation', and the lost of traditions.
It could enrich the cultural life of
communities widening diversity.
It could create cultural tensions between
those who stay and those who return.
It could imply a loss of potential political
leaders.
It could change electoral maps and
political agendas.
It could change political culture and
values.
It could stimulate new forms of
political organisations (vote for emigrants).
- It could modify the approach and importance
of migration policy and legal frameworks at the
p:overnmentallevel.
Immigrants or/and their families could
promote changes in public/private institutions
at both national and local scales.
-
Political
-
,nd
Logru
Institutional
Gender ~tnd
age
-
-
It could create or stimulate
ethnic conflicts.
It could stimulate racism and
xenophobia from the native
population towards immigrants.
It could stimulate cultural
enrichment, tolerance, acceptance
and universalism.
It could strengthen
immigrants' organisation as well as
widening citizenship.
It could create binational
citizenship and new forms of
political participation.
It could put immigration on
the national political agenda, with
pro and anti positions.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
It
could
stimulate
the
],g.U
modification
tb,
of
framework that defines who is a
real citizen.
It could
stimulate
the
creations of programs and policies
to manage immigration.
-
-
-
-
It could have strong implications for the
family, including temporal Ot permanent
separation of their members.
It could change the decision-making of
the household in relation to who should
emigrate.
Immigrants could learn
new forms of political
practices and organisations.
Immigrants could create
new forms of political
participation.
Immigrants could learn
how to interact in different
institutional frames.
Immigrants
could
participate in an active way
promoting
institutional
changes.
-
Migration could change
, -life or personal projects.
It could have different
patterns of insertion
consequence of gender or age.
It produces different types of
linkages
with families in tb,
coun.!!L of origin depn~g
on
"
-
-
It could have an impact
in their familial ,nd social
relationships.
4
For example, Nicaraguan women in Costa Rica, on average, have a higher fertility rate than the
average for Costa Rican women but lower than Nicaraguan women in Nicaragua.
5
After my fieldwork I would take this point with a pinch of salt. Without doubt, for immigrants as
individuals, it makes a big difference if they migrate with documents and work permits.
24
Environmental
-
Environmental factors could have strong
impacts in the decision to migrate (natural
environmental
disasters,
long
to""
degradation).
Migration could change the pattern of
production and the use of land by means of
the use of remittances.
both, gender and age.
Immigration could stimulate
new use of land, that requires more
intensive use of labour force
(expansion of enclave production),
-
-
-
.
Source: Based on a figure from Blanco, 2000: 20, slgruhcantly
reworked by the author.
The different implications mentioned in Figure 2.2 highlight the multidimensional causality
of migration. In this sense, migration embraces a wide range of human movements,
including'international flows of refugees stimulated by war, famine or political unrest;
young adults' movements between regions or countries in search of .employment; highlyqualified workers moving for professional-development expectations from South to North
and vice versa; middle age professionals moving from cities to rural areas to escape from
hectic rhythms imposed by modern life; people moving for housing requirements; and
temporary movements of poor people from both rural and urban areas to save and send
money for their family's survival in the original region or country. In synthesis, negative
causes of migration are associated with economic or environmental deprivation, famine,
war, political or social violence;' whilst positive causes are personal or family projects
which seek to improve living conditions, or encompass desires to explore new realities,
cultures and places. However, if it is analysed from a long duree perspective, migrations have
generally tended to be an expression or result of 'lack-of' situations or conditions. As put
by Doreen Massey and Pat Jess (1995: 9):
'However, beneath the kaleidoscope of examples and the curtness of the treatment of
each, you should appreciate the deeper, more fundamental points: that the concept of
a mobile global population is not new; that migration has always been part of
structured inequality; and that hybridity in the creation of cultures, places and regions
is likewise a long-established process nurtured by migration.'
Beyond these elements and dimensions, migrations occur in both time and space. In the
temporal dimension there are at least seven possible categories. These are defined and
discussed in Figure 2.3.
Some studies and a documentary show that some women from Nicaragua migrate to Costa Rica
escaping from domestic violence.
6
25
F'19ure 23 : D'f£
1 erent rrugranon patterns
Type
of
Characteristic of mQve
Conunitment to host society (flS)
Commitment to original society
(OS)
Family of procreation remilils in the
village. Retain all political and social
migration
Seasonal or
Search for work to augment
Very little fmancial or sodal investment
shuttle migrant
meagre agricultural incomes.
in the HS. Sleeps in open, group-rented
room or employer provided barracks.
Social interaction almost entirely with
other migrants ftom OS, Employment
in traditional or day-labouring sectors.
Short tenn
sojourner
Target Migrant
,nd
Life cycle stage
migrant
Working life
migrant
Permanent
migrant
(immigrantsF
Undecided
migrant
Come to HS for limited period
(though longer than a season) to
accomplish a specific purpose
(e.g. reach a particular education
level).
Migrants who move to the HS at
one or more specific stages of
their life cycle.
Migrants who spend their entire
working lives in the HS but,
intend, and eventually do, retire to
their OS.
Migrants committed totally to
exchangiflg identities and way of
life.
Migrants who have no clear
intention to either stay in the HS
or retum to the OS.
Moderate. May bring family. Seek more
pennanent accommodation, e.g.
individually rented room. Have more
interaction with HS members but retain
close contact with fellow members of
OS in the HS. Usually employed in low
qualified labour markets.
High. Family always accompanies.
Purchases or builds individual housing,
occupies employer (e.g. government)
supplied housing or rents housing on
long-term basis. Often in fonnal sector
occupations. High level of interaction
with HS memher-& but retains contact
with fellow migrants through
associations, etc. Generally transfers
citizenship to the HS. Assists new
arrivals to HS from OS.
Total.
Relative.
roles in OS. Remit bulk of income
(after living expenses) to village.
town or city. Retain OS citizenship.
Almost total orientation to the OS.
Usually retain work source in the
OS.
Strong links maintained with family
in OS through visits and letters,
although some roles may be
temporarily given up. Remittances
remain regular and high. Usually
retain OS citizenship. Usually retain
a source of income in the OS.
Sufficient links maintained with
village to ensure acceptance on
eventual return. Investments in
housing and land although unable to
maintain most social and political
roles. Periodic remittances to family.
Return visits made at end of fasting
months and for important life cycle
ceremonies.
Not strong.
Relative,
Source: Hugo, 1981, quoted In Mansell and Chapman, 1985: 12-13 but modified by the author.
Transnational migration could be considered in terms of these categories, this would
depend on the quality of the linkages and networks between the immigrant in the host
society and the original society, Most of the categories involve some level of
transnationalism with the exception of permanent immigrants who cut their linkages with
their original society in a definitive manner,
In relation to distance and places, there are three main categories of migration: internal
(national), international and transnational, According to Figure 2.4, permanent migration is a
consequence of permanent change of residence that could be to a close place Qocal
migration), to another region of the same country (inter-regional migration), or to a
different country (international migration), Temporal migration is a consequence of residence
and work-place spatial separation,
7
These categories do not include the political refugees.
26
. ity
igure 24: T emporal andS,pat!'alD'ImenSlOns 0 fH umanMobili
Te
m
po
ral
Di
me
nsi
on
Permanent
Migration
Temporal Migration
Local Migration
- Residence change
within the same
community or
municipality.
ComllJuting
- Working in another
community within the
same municipality.
Short-Distance
Mobility
National Inter-regional
Migration
- Residence change
within the same
political units, e.g.
United Kingdom shires, Nicaraguan
Departments, Costa
Rican Provinces.
Circulation
- Working in a
different
administrative unit of
the same country.
Mid-Distance
Mobility
International migration
- Residence change
from one country to
another.
Long-Distance
Commuting
- Working in a
different country.
Long-Distance
Mobility
Spatial Dimensions
Source: Malmberg, 1997: 25, but modified by the author.
At the national scale, there are several fonns of displacements, including rural to urban,
urban
to
urban, urban to rural, and rural to rural community migration. The international
scale has traditionally been analysed as a displacement from one country to another,
although the existence of new forms of macro-regional state organisations, such as the
European Union, the North American Free Trade Area, the Central American Integration
process, has challenged this traditional definition. In fact, these political and economic
processes have generated new categories of migration by differentiating the intra-regional
from the extra-regional.
2.2 An evolving theoretical debate: trom push-pull models to transnational
migration
New trends in migration have also been reflected in the theoretical debates about
migration which are getting both more comprehensive and more diverse. In fact, through
the passage of time, theoretical currents have absorbed many of the critiques they have
received, thereby improving their explanatoty capacity. However, as migration is constantly
changing and creating new phenomena, traditional theories are confronted by the necessity
of creating concepts, tenns, narratives and discourses which can give account of the
27
newness. This is often not a simple matter of updating information, but rather of grasping
totally original and distinctive events and dynamics. This fact opens up spaces for the
development of new theoretical approaches.
Along these lines, Thomas Faist (2000: 11-13) points out the existence of three waves in
the study of international migration in a 'development' context. The first was mainly
focused upon the interaction between push and pull factors as the main determinants of
migration. The second analysed migration flows as a result of structural factors and
dynamics between centre and peripheral regions. The third is still in the making and is
placing the concept of transnational migration spaces at the forefront of analysis; this
recognises the practices of migrants and stayers and connects both worlds and the
activities of institutions such as nation-states that try to control these spaces. This
approach complements, but does not substitute for the earlier ones (paist,2000: 12).
In the following sections, the metaphor of the three waves is used to explain the main
theoretical approaches and their main critiques as part of an evolving debate. But before
doing so, it is important to mention that every generation has not been homogeneous, but
diverse. Among generations there have been ruptures, but also continuities. It is not
possible to think of a homogeneous community of scholars, but rather of many diverse
communities attempting to grasp a particular object from varied theoretical, political and
ideological standpoints at every stage of the debates. These debates have also been crossed
by geographical particularities.
Any intention to analyse the historical evolution of the theoretical debate on migration
would be partial, and this is not an exception. The selection of the currents is based on two
assumptions, first, those presented are considered to be the 'mainstream' ones in terms of
their 'momentum'; second, they reflect the ideological diversity that has characterised the
theoretical debate on migration.
2.2.1 The first wave and the long-standing influence ofRavenstein
The first wave includes three theoretical frameworks: the Neoclassical, the Demographic
and the Modernisation schools of thoughts. From the 1950s until the 1970s, they were
very influential, not only in the academic realms, but also in the policy formulation of
international development institutions such as the World Bank, and the US Agency for
28
International Development (US-AID). In the 1970s and 1980s they were challenged and
for the reason they have lost some of their influence, nonetheless the Neoclassical school
remains influential at the policy level. The sway of Ravenstein's seminal formulation upon
these currents is very clear throughout their explanations.
2.2.1.1 The Neoclassical adaptation of Ravenstein's 'Push-Pull' model
It is not a coincidence that this section begins with the Neoclassical approach to migration.
There are some reasons that explain tbis decision:
Its theoretical models have prevailed, not only within conventional economic theory
but also within development theory.
Tbis theoretical approach not only prevails in the academic field, its premises and
conclusions underlie the economic policies formulated by most of the governments of
peripheral countries in the last two decades, under the strict supervision of the
International Financial Institutions (Mohan et al, 2000). Hence, like no other
framework, the Neoclassical approach has not only theoretical importance, but also
political, economical and social implications for entire societies of the periphery
(Woodward, 1992).
As is well known, Ravenstein8 (1885, 1889, quoted in Lewis, 1982) developed the 'pushpull' model of migration. The 'push' is related to the causes for migration and the 'pull' to
the selection of migrants and the development of migration patterns (Hornby and Jones,
2001: 103; Lewis, 1982: 3). In its original formulation, one key premise was to consider
human beings as 'rational' entities seeking to maximise advantage and minimise
discomfort. The push factors were generally seen as economic, as indicated in such factors
as: lack of access to land, lack of employment, low wages, wasted land, drought and
famine, and population increase. The pull factors offered attractive alternatives to these
but in addition contrasted the advantages of urban over rural reality (Jackson, 1986: 13-14).
In its contemporary reformulation, the Neoclassical model has related the push-pull model
to the theory of labour markets in two main levels:
a) at the macro-level (structural), the main variable that is said to explain the
decision to migrate is wage or income differentials between regions: south-north in
international migration, and rural-urban in internal migration (Massey et al, 1993:
8
I include a summary of his "laws of migration" in the Appendix N°l.
29
433). Migration is conceptualised as one of the 'natural' mechanisms that
equilibrates the supply and demand of manpower in labour markets between
regions, as well as the price of labour power, that is wage price. In theory, this
mechanism will work more effectively if it is not disturbed by state intervention.
For example, Todaro suggests that in order to reduce rural-urban migration, there
should not be a minimum wage policy in urban areas because it works as a pulling
factor' (fodaro, 1997: 285-286).
b) At the micro level (agency), the model largely relies upon 'individual choice'
theory. Individual migrants are seen as 'rational' actors who decide to migrate
because their cost-benefit calculation leads them to expect a positive net return,
usually monetary, from movement (Massey et ai, 1993: 434). In its application to
peripheral countries' internal migration,'0 Todaro introduced some adjustments to
the model as a consequence of evidence from 'reality' that the model could not
explain. One of the counter-facts that obligated the modification of the model was
that rural migration to urban areas was still occurring even with high rates of
unemployment in the cities. Todaro included the idea of 'expected income,l1 to
. explain this paradoxical situation (fodaro, 1996).
To sum up, in the Neoclassical formulation a migration model should contain four basic
characteristics:
1. Migration is stimulated primarily by rational economic considerations of relative benefits
and costs, mostly financial but also psychological.
2. The decision to migrate depends on expected rather that actual urban-rural real wage
differentials where the expected differential is determined by the interaction of two
variables, the actual urban-rural wage differential and the probability of successfully
obtaining employment in the urban sector.
3. The probability of obtaining an urban job is directly related to the urban employment
rate and thus inversely related to the urban unemployment rate.
4. Migration rates in excess of urban job opportunity growth rates are not only possible
but also rational and even likely in the face of wide urban-rural expected-income
10
Of course, this is advice exclusively made for developing countries.
In the case of the deveLoped countries, the rural-urban model is different because the host region is
supposed to have full employment. Hence, the Todaro's model main explanatory - expected income- is not
very useful.
11
This is not the actual earnings, but the immigrant's projection.
30
differentials. High rates of urban unemployment are therefore inevitable outcomes of the
serious imbalance of economic opportunities between urban and rural areas in most
underdeveloped countries (Todaro, 1997: 284).
In more general terms (not only for rural-urban migration), this paradigm could be
summarised in the following five points:
1. Migrants primarily respond to economic conditions m the places of origin and
destination.
2. Migrants have adequate information about living conditions in the place of destination.
3. The migration decision is based on a rational economic calculation.
4. Migration is therefore the response to the actual economic conditions in the places of
origin and destination.
5. In the last instance migration
IS
an individual free decision (J ackson, 1986: 18;
Malmberg, 1997: 29).
In relation to the limitations of the model, a first general observation is that it is based
upon a non-historical analysis and, for this reason, is not able to explain how the wage
differential between regions or countries is produced, nor how a particular region is
transformed into a population 'exporter' as part of global transnational dynamics. Basic
questions like 'why do only some individuals migrate while others stay?' or 'why do they
decide to go to a particular destination instead of others with similar conditions?' are some
of the relevant questions that this model cannot explain, but instead assumes as premises.
This could create some paradoxical situations whereby economic policies oriented by the
Neoclassical current of thought may lead to such outcomes as the widening of both the
rural-urban gap in peripheral societies and the economic distance between periphery and
core countries, thereby increasing the stress for rural-urban and south- north migrants as a
consequence (Woodward, 1992: 4). This point highlights two key elements that
neoclassical approaches towards migration do not take into account. First, very often
migration is a result of cumulative causations, and not all of these are economic in nature
(Massey, 1991: 27). Second, contrary to what is sustained by the Neoclassical theory,
expelling and recipient contexts are more than 'unlinked' labour markets where individuals,
as rational entities, are looking to maximise their benefits. As is discussed later, migration
in general, and particularly labour migration and its networks, are directly or indirectly
31
related to global transnational dynamics at different scales: global, regional, national, local,
and individual (Sassen, 1988: 17-23).
The definition of agency is fundamental for the study of migration or for the 'modelling'
of human behaviour. The Neoclassical model assumes that, faced by the same reality
(structural dimensions), e.g. 'wage differentials' or 'economic deprivation', the agency of
very different human beings would be the same. The implication of this logic, if it is
extended to its limit, is that the fact of belonging to very different categories (such as social
class, gender, . age or ethnic group) would make no difference to the behaviour of
individual migrants. Hence, a peasant, a rural worker, an urban middle-class professional, a
'distinguished' member of the bourgeoisie or a land-owner oligarch or an urban young girl,
would all react in the same way faced with the same event. A man and a woman would
react in the same way. A married person and a single person would take the same decision.
A young man and an adult would have the same expectations before migrating. A black
'Garifona' from Honduras, a Miskito from Nicaragua and a mestizo from Esteli would have
the same perspective of migration as a mestizo from Masaya. 12 Would the question of
whether or not an individual was a part of a migratory social network makes any difference
to an individual's decision-making? The answer is obviously no in the case of the
Neoclassical model and this is one of the limits of the explanatory capacity of these sort of
models to explain human behaviour and social reality. Although many of these
observations have been made by other theoretical currents, the Neoclassical model has not
been substantially modified in response. In synthesis, the proclivity of both push-pull and
neoclassical models to post hoc recitation of 'obvious' causes render them incapable of
accounting for the two principal differences in the origin of migration: 1) differences
among collectivities - primarily nation-states - in the size and direction of the migrant
flows; and 2) differences among individuals within the same country or region in their
propensiries to migrate (portes, 1991: 76; Carling, 2001: 18-25; Malmberg, 1997: 29; Faist,
1997: 196).
2.2.1.2 The Demographic approach to migration
This second school of thought, also known as Neo-Malthusian, was very influential in
political terms in the 1960s and 1970s and is very close to the Neoclassical school in
There are strong culrural differences between regions within Nicaragua. Mestizos and peasants from
the North of the country ate perceived as 'shy' or introvert, and mestizos from Masaya are very outspoken,
with a long historical merchant tradition.
12
32
ideological terms. Most of its theoretical production connects population growth
(overpopulation), environmental scarcity and poverty (Rochwerger, 1979). They project
these factors as a lethal combination that generates national processes of rural-to-urban
migration and international movements between the peripheral regions of the global
economy and the core regions. In its models the key variables are birth and mortality rates,
as well as life expectancy. The potential enormity of this migration was often portrayed as
a threat,
In many parts of the world where there exists rapid population growth, and
particularly when massive migration to the cities exist, they experience great threats to
public security as well as for social stability, because of the augment in young
criminality, thieving, organised banditry and social rebellion ... and there are few
doubts that these situations will worsen in the future ... 13'
The logical solution to this threatening situation was to reduce birth rates in the places
where those rates were highest, that is peripheral countries. Along these lines, the United
States, through its Agency of International Development (US-AID), promoted birth
control and planning programs in many countries of the periphery, such as Brazil and
India in the 1960s and 1970s.
14
These sort of explanations reached a peak in populariry
with the publication of the famous report 'The Limits to Growth' by the Club of Rome
and MIT (Meadows, 1972), although throughout the 1970s its explanations and,
particularly its predictions, were undermined by their own failures (pav6n, 1979: 44-46;
Rochwerger, 1979).
Within this current, whilst some scholars have pointed out the importance of social
relarions in explaining the dynamics between environment, society and migration, in
general terms they tend to avers tress population growth as the main explanatory variable.
Hence, for them, it is high rates of population growth which cause environmental
degradation and material scarciries, which, as part of the same process, push the
population out forcing them to migrate (Homer-Dixon, 1999; Chase-Dunn and Hall, 1997;
Hornby and Jones, 2001: 114). Although there are migrarion dynamics in particular spacetemporalities that could be explained in this way, it is not sufficient to make a general
13
This was part of an interview to P. Claxton Philander, member of the US State Department (1972)
quoted by Pavan (1979, 43). This is a translation by the author.
14
In fact, this particular connection between population and poverty is frequently used to portray the
poor as responsible for their poverty, because of their sexual and reproductive practices. One of the political
consequences of this was the development of sterilisation campaigns in India and Brazil in the 19605 and
19705, in which thousands of young women were sterilised without consent or consciousness.
33
explanation on this basis. In fact, migration is not necessarily produced by an excess of
'population pressure' and is not always a dependent function of high population growth.
For example, in Central American, Nicaragua is, after El Salvador, the country that has
been expelling most population during the last two decades. However, Nicaragua is the
country with the lowest population density (38 people per Km~
Rica doubles Nicaragua's population density (76 people per Km~
in the region, while Costa
and is a migration
recipient country (perez Brignolli, 1989: 47; Morales, 1997a).
The demographic approach is unable to explain this kind of counter-example because it
does not sufficiently take into account the social relations (namely mode of production and
development, access and property sttucture of natural resources) that underlie situations of
'environmental scarcity'. In critical frameworks, scarcity is not a linear function between
population and natural environments, but a relational concept mediated by social relations.
Frequently in peripheral regions, such as Centtal America, environmental scarcity and
consequent migration patterns, are not provoked only by scarcity or population 'surplus',
but are very often produced by an over-concenttation of natural resources into very few
hands who use them in unsustainable ways (Eryant, 1997; Hornborg, 1998; Redclift, 1994;
Utting, 1996; Walker, 1997).
In synthesis, instead of the economic sttuctures of Neoclassical thought, the Demographic
approach is mainly based on the analysis of population demographic structures (such as
mortality and birth rates, demographic elements, and family composition) and seeks to
explain migration as dependent on these factors. At the micro level, the Demographic
approach does not include any sort of agency conceptualisation beyond the individual's
reproductive patterns.
2.2.1.3 Migration in the light of Modernisation theory
This theoretical current established a relationship between mobility and social change
within a broad temporal dimension. Zelinsky an other scholars of this current of thought
claimed the existence of patterned regularities in the growth of personal mobility through
space-time during recent history, and these regularities they argued comprise an essential
component of the modernisation process (Zelinsky 1971, quoted by Lewis, 1982).
Following Rostow's proposal of stages of economic growth, Zelinsky's five-stage model
34
links the mobility and vital transitions 'as a kind of outward diffusion of successively more
advanced forms of human activity'. Figure 2.5 summarizes his model:
F'IJ:(ure 25: M0 derrusatlon and mIgration stage mo deI
Phase
Pre-modem traditional
Typ-" of migration
Vital transition
Limited migration and circulation.
society
Rapid rise in fertility and
population growth.
Early transitional society
Emergence of widespread migration, ruralurban, colonisation of frontier lands, beginning
Late transitional society
Slackening in the growth of the three types of
Reduced rate of natural
migration; increase in the volume and
complexity of the various forms of circulation
increase ..
of emigration, increase in circulation.
The advanced society
The future advanced society
Continued changes in mobility; replacement of
Natural increase is limited as
rural to urban and settlement migrations by
those of inter-urban and intra-urban variety.
a result of a reduced fertility
and mortality.
Circulation continues to increase in its
intensity. '
General decline in migration which will largely
be of an inter-urban and intra-urban variety.
Some forms of circulation will decline and
other increase.
Source: Elaborated by the author based on Lewls, 1982: 23-24 and Forbes, 1984: 143.
This approach perceived of migration as a 'necessary' outcome of modernisation processes
for two main reasons. In the economic realm, migration was presented as a consequence
of the transformation of the 'traditional world' (the transformation of non-capitalist modes
of production into the capitalist mode of production) whilst, in the cultural realm, it was
conceptualised as a consequence of the 'pulling' attraction that modern life exerts over
traditional ways of life and the city over the rural countryside (Rionda, 1992: 45-46). Thus,
Zelinsky declared that the growth of circulation was 'symptomatic of the problems of
underdevelopment' and consequendy 'promised to endure, with further variations and
complexities, as long as underdevelopment persists' (1971, quoted by Mansell and
Chapman, 1985: 16).
This school was trying to build a general theory of migration, aim that was widely
criticised, not only because of its 'pro-modern' bias which emphasised the superiority of
'modern' life over traditional forms of life, but also because of its linear conceptualisations
of history in which the core countries were characterised as 'mature' (and hence those
whose pattern of development should be 'copied,), whilst peripheral countries were the
'young' and hence the ones that had to copy the historical experiences of the 'already.
35
developed.'. As explained by structuralist and dependentista critics, this Eurocentric
conceptualisation of history and development does not give any account of the
international division of labour, the asymmetrical articulation between core and periphery,
and their functional relationship (fackson, 1986: 12-13; Kay, 1993; Sassen, 1988, 1996).
According to these critics, migration dynamics in peripheral countties are not only
different from those experienced in the core countties, but more than that, they actually
represent different parts of the same processes of production and reproduction of uneven
geographical developments at global or regional scales. Another limitation relates to the
conceptualisation of migrant agency. The thesis of the 'city lights' as one of the main
pulling factors is based on a false premise: the superiority of the 'modern' over the
traditional. In fact, many studies have demonstrated that in many cases of rural to urban
migration, the decision to migrate is not based on this kind of rationale, but is a result of
necessity and part of the survival strategies of urban or rural households (Forbes, 1984:
162-3; Stark, 1991).
2.2.2 The second wave and the structuralist 'momentum'
The second generation of migration research was developed
In
a time of very rapid
economic growth in the world economy. In the core countties of the West, there were two
intertwined factors that generated a very significant immigration flow. The first was related
to sustained patterns of economic growth that were an outcome of industtial and
Keynesian anti-cyclical policies, as well as the expansion of the public sector under the
aegis of the welfare state. The other factor was related to demographic factors, particularly
a significant decrease in both population mortality rates and birth rates accompanied by an
extension of life expectancy in core countries. These changes created a lack of labour
power that was overcome by the import of labour from the less-developed European
semi-periphery (Mediterranean countries, Ireland and Finland) and from peripheral
countries. In the case of countries like Britain, France and The Netherlands, they took
advantage of their former colonies to bring labour into their markets. Other European
countries, such as Germany and Belgium, set up labour recruitment programs for
temporary foreign workers. During the 1960s this became a central feature of most
Western European labour markets. With the passing of time, the temporal workers became
permanent and they brought their families from their original countries creating new ethnic
dynamics in those countries. A similar process also occurred in the United States,
particularly with Mexican, Puerto Rican and rest of Caribbean immigration (Castles, 2000
36
5-7). At first these immigration flows were conceived as labour migration, a fact that was
reflected in the orientation of social research which had an economic bias.
In the case of the Peripheral countries, particularly for the Meso-American 15 region, the
period 1950-1970 was also a moment of deep transformation that generated significant
population displacements. There were two key factors that contributed increasing human
mobility. On the one hand, demographic patterns changed including significant rises in
birth rates and in life expectancy. On the other hand, the economic 'modernisation' of the
agricultural sector was creating a double dynamic that prompted increasing rural-urban
migration processes: the increase in the use of technological inputs in the production
process (thereby reducing requirements for manpower) and, at the same time, a massive
concentration of land tenure. This was not a smooth process, but one often accompanied
by violence, repression, social upheavals and dictatorial regimes. A consequence of this
involuntaty rural-to-urban migration was a rapid and massive population increase in the
cities, particularly the capitals, and the creation of several shanty towns across the region.
Most of these migration dynamics were internal or intra-regional (within Central America).
The research on migration in the region at that time was focused on the relations between
development, social change and rural migration. Marxist economism was the most popular
theoretical approach. That is why a variety of Marxist currents, some of which were
developed in parts of the periphety, are included in this generation of migration research.
In Latin America, they were most thoroughly developed through the reformist Structuralist
approach adopted by the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLAC) and the
Marxist and revolutionary approach generated by the Dependentista school of thought (Kay,
1993).
2.2.2.1 Marxist theories and migration in core and peripheral countries
During the 1960s and 1970s the Marxist theoretical approach embraced a diverse variety of
Marxist currents from North and South, but in relation
to
migration they had some key
concepts in common. First, they conceived of migration not as a free-choice decision
taken by "rational" individuals, but as a reflection of structural processes and, therefore,
invariably manipulated or even predetermined. Thus, migration was conceptualised as a
systematic process and migrant "rationality" was a derivative and dependent behaviour of
15
Mesoamerica includes Mexico' and the Central American countries.
37
the social and spatial division of labour and capital (Shrestha, 1986, 1987: 330; Rionda,
1992: 50).
From this perspective, migration within peripheral regions has to be analysed in relation to
the development of capitalist labour-market relations, the proletarianisation of the rural
population and the peasantry and the creation of a permanent relative surplus population
(industrial reserve army) through such means as creative destruction, enclosures and
increasing productivity by mean of the use of new technologies. In Latin America, these
historic-structuralist oriented scholars conceived of social change (migration was seen as a
part of these broader processes), as mainly determined by factors external to individuals.
Capitalist
dependent
industrialisation,
better
known
as
Import
Substitution
Industrialisation (IS1), was considered not only as simple technological modernisation, but
also as a radical social transformation that involved a change in the social division of
labour. These changes provoked a geographical re-disttibution of population. On the
'pulling' side, the main factor attracting rural population was the city and its industrial areas
(an apparent coincidence with the modernisation school). However, on the expelling side,
as was mentioned above, the main expelling factor was the process of 'creative destruction'
through which the capitalist mode of production and its agents transformed the rural
countryside, divesting the peasantry of their means of subsistence. In this way, the
peasantry was transformed into the necessary labour for industrialisation (Rionda, 1992).
This was seen as the main structural dyoamic that explained rural-to-urban migration
within peripheral countries and, by extension, peripheral-to-core migration at the
international level.
A good number of Marxist scholars also focused their attention on to core countries as
recipients of immigration. Authors like Casdes and Kosack (1973) explained the
functionality of labour migration for Western European capitalism, because, among other
factors, the immigrants constituted a new industrial reserve army. However, these authors
also analysed other aspects of immigration such as its socio-political functionality (through
the division between immigrant and indigenous workers on national and racial bases), and
observed that by offering better conditions and status to indigenous workers, the capitalist
class was able to create a divide between large sections of the working class (Casdes, 2000:
28-29).
38
In general terms these Marxist currents suffered from the same illness (although in a
different form) that had characterised the Neoclassical approach: economic reductionism
and an over-simplification of human agency, because, in the last instance, the migrant's
agency was a functional reflection of structural changes. Another important limitation was
that they did not take into account the important role of the family in the decision-making
process. As was pointed out by Rionda for the Mexican experience, rural migration was
part of a survival strategy and generated complementary income for the household
economy, and was therefore not an individual solution (Rionda, 1992: 63). In recognition
of these limitations, Castles points out that migrants were seen in these approaches merely
as workers whose labour was needed, while their social needs and potential impact on
receiving societies were largely ignored. There was little understanding that migration was a
social process that could develop its own dynamics, which might confound the
expectations of even the most efficient states (Castles, 2000: 8). In the same vein, Shrestha
argues that migration and non-migration decisions are an outcome of the interaction
between individual decisions and socio-economic constraints and opportunities within the
existing relations of production and development milieu (Castles and Miller, 1998).
2.2.3 The third wave and research on migration in a transnational context
Between the second and third generations of research on migration, deep changes
occurred at a global scale development. The 1970s were a transition period to a sort of
'new age', an epochal shift on a planetary scale (Robinson, 1997 (a or b): 132, Harvey,
1990). As is pointed out by David Harvey, there were
' ... Signs and tokens of radical changes in labour processes, in consumer habits, in
geographical and geopolitical changes, in state powers and practices, and the like
abound. Yet we still live ... in a society where production for profit remains the basic
organising principle of economic life ... ' (1990: 121)
This development transformation represented the end of both a particular regime of
accumulation and of a mode of social and political regulation in the contemporary WorldSystem, namely the end of the 'Fordist' mode of development with its Welfare State,
Keynesian economic policies and expansion of citizenship rights in Core countries. In the
Periphery this shift meant the end of the Import-Substitution Industrialisation strategy
(ISI) and the demise of the Developmentalist or Welfare state. One of the main structural
causes of the crisis was the accumulation of 'rigidities' in different realms, including
commerce, finance, and labour (Harvey, 1990: 141-2). The conflicts and contradictions
39
that arose could not be addressed within the existing regime of accumulation and its
cortespondent regulatory regimes and hence, the crisis became inevitable.
The configuration of a new global regime of flexible accumulation started in the aftermath
of the international economic crisis ('Oil crisis,) of 1973. Another important factor in the
global development reorientation of the World-System came from the political realm, with
the electoral triumphs of Margaret Thatcher in the United Kingdom in 1979 and Ronald
Reagan in the United States in 1980. Their political and economic platforms were based
around two interconnected ideas: on the geopolitical side a very aggtessive anti-communist
and anti-soviet philosophy and, on the economic side, an almost religious belief in the
Neoliberal development that promoted free-market, privatisation and free-trade as
solurions for all economics and social problems (and a cortelated essentialist and negative
view of the state). In this period, the United States (USA) in particular exerted its power
and influences to project these ideas into practice, developing a global process against the
previous dominance of developmentalist and Keynesian approaches (Tickell and Peck,
2003: 4-5; Hinkelammert, 1997; VilIarreal, 1986). In fact, these new ideas quickly came to
dominate the international financial institutions (IFIs) who rapidly embraced orthodox
Monetarism and Neoliberalism in theory and in practice. This was particularly the case for
both the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, better known as the
World Bank (WE), and the International Monetary Found (IMF), which jointly formulated
and applied Structural Adjusttnent Programs (SAP) across practically the whole periphery
from the beginning of the 80s (Zack-Williams et ai, 2000: 16-17).
The reorientation of the dominant development philosophy from ISI to Neoliberalism in
Latin America was imposed through the requirement for Latin American governments to
meet payments on their massive external debts at the beginning of the 1980s. After a
political conflict between the creditors, private banks and core countries and the indebted
countries, the peripheral countries were obliged to accept the imposition of Neoliberal
policies through the SAPs demanded as conditions for access to international finance.
Although the formal objective of these programs was to overcome the economic crisis
facing the Latin American countries and to guarantee the payment of external debt and
interest, many scholars, politicians and grassroots organisations have pointed out that
behind the apparently technical form of SAPs, there was a very ambitious political and
economic program to transform in a radical way not only the state and the public sector,
40
but the whole society of debtor nations. As a consequence of this transformation, by the
end of the 1980s most of Latin American countries were transferring net capital to the
core countries (Gorostiaga, 1991: 13; Villarreal, 1986: 469).
This process of Neoliberal global transformation was deepened and accelerated at the end
of the 1980s and beginning of the 1990s because of three intertwined processes:
- The first was the demise of the Soviet Union and the Socialist Bloc in Europe. This was
claimed by the dominant political and economic sectors of the West to represent the 'end
of history' and the permanent triumph of Capitalism and 'Liberal Democracy' as an
ideology and mode of social organisation (Fukuyama, 1989). This event also gave birth to a
rapid transition from the bipolar geopolitical order of the 'Cold War' to the present
Western Unipolar Order under the clear coercive leadership of the USA.
- The second process was the technological revolution that started at the end of the 1970s
and embraced four interlinked sectors, namely, communication, information, computer
and transport systems (Dicken, 1999: 145-177, Overbeek, 2002: 75). These changes
produced an impressive compression of time and space (Harvey, 1990; Overbeek, 2002)
contributing to the transformation of patterns of production and consumption at a global
scale (in which networks and flows of products, services and humans are fundamental),
giving rise to what Castells named the network society (Castells, 1996).
- A third process is the rise of a market-oriented neoliberal politico-economic order,
characterised by a very aggressive expansion of the market in two simultaneous ways, on
the one hand, a geographic widening by mean of the incorporation of more regions to a
global division of labour, and, on the other hand, by mean of the incoporation of more
economic activities to the market-oriented
economy, drived by a process of
commodification oriented by the seekening of private profits. Among others, this
expansion included the labour markets and migration dynamics as a key component
(Overbeek, 2002).
Since the 1990s the combination of these processes has been named by some authors as
globalisation and, as has been pointed out by Overbeek (2002) and Harvey (2000), this
term embraces a twofold meaning: On the one hand, it is a political project of very
41
powerful agents (transnational enterprises, power elites and political leaders in both Core
and Periphery, technocrats of IFIs) who are trying to impose particular forms of global
and transnational economic organisation and also particular forms of global governance
(both of which have been contested in Core and Periphery). On the other hand,
globalisation is also a process by which ever more people, countries and regions are
incorporated into the global market economy, and more spheres of human existence are
subordinated to capitalist social relations. This is not however a totally new process but a
continuation of the long history of capitalism. In fact, globalisation involves
transformation in other realms, apart from the geopolitical and the geo-economic, namely
culture, gender, and daily life realms. In the words of Papastergiadis,
' ... the globalising processes do not spread evenly and in all directions simultaneously.
Between the fears of an all-engulfing Americanized homogeneous culture and the
hopes for postmodern heterogeneiry, there are complex and often contradictory
forces at play which are challenging the autonomy of nation-states. A brief list of the
globalizing institutions, tendencies, and forces would include: the formation of
transnational bureaucracies and political institutions like the G7, World Bank, GATt
and IMF; the porousness of boundaries caused by the mediatized dissemination of
symbols, ideas, images, technologies and information; the pressure exerted by
transnational corporations to elude local needs and rules; the restructuring of labour
relations and the competition for cheaper wages; the centralisation of capital
investment practices in global cities; the contest between consumer culture and
diasporic communities; and the formation of new political associations with multiple
and overlapping networks of power that supplemented the functions traditionally held
by civic and national authotities ... ' (2000: 77)
As in the past, these global processes have not been evenly spread around the world but,
on the contrary, are contributing to the reproduction of an incessant and uneven
geographic development between core, semiperipheral, and peripheral regions. These
global process prompted a massive human mobility and at the same time the ongoing
transformations required migration dynamics to be produced and reproduced. That means
that these migration dynamics becam.e an outcome of the global Neoliberal development
but at the same time, were a structural characteristic of it. In this context, Castles and
Miller (1998: 7-9) summarise five new trends in a global migration landscape,
1. The g/oba/isation of migration: more and more countries are crucially affected by migratory
movements at the same time. The diversity of the areas of origin is also increasing, so
that most countries of immigration have entrants from a broad spectrum of economic,
social and cultural backgrounds.
42
2. The acceleration
if migration: international movements of people are growing in volume in
all major regions at the present time.
3. The differentiation
if migration:
most countries do not simply have one type of
immigration (or emigration), such as labour migration, refugees or permanent
settlement, but a whole range of types at once.
4. The flminisation
if migration: women
play a significant role in all regions and in most
(though not all) types of migration.
5.
The growingpolitisation
if migration: domestic politics, bilateral and regional relationships
and national security policies of states around the world are increasingly affected by
international migration.
This is the context in which new forms and patterns of migration have risen, along with
new theoretical frameworks with which to study them.
2.2.3.1 Transnational Migration studies
Although the term transnational is not newl6, at first the main focus of transnational
research was upon transnational enterprises and companies as the main agents in the
production of such processes. However, in the last fifteen years scholars from different
disciplines have challenged 'nationalistic' or 'state-centted' approaches. In this vein, within
geography, Agnew and Corbridge have called for the overcoming of the 'territorial trap'
and 'nationalistic' methodologies that permeate contemporary social sciences (Agnew and
Corbridge, 1995). Along the same lines, Taylor has pointed out how globalisation should
serve to undermine the embedded statism central to most social science thinking (2000:
159). The growing importance of transnationalism as a study object has witnessed a
significant expansion in the range of topics that fall within 'trans-frames'. Vertovec
summarises the different topics within the transnational 'umbrella' in six distinct, but
potentially intertwined categories (1999, 449-56), which are described and expanded in
Figure 2.6:
Keohane and Nye pointed out the growing importance of transnational dynamics in the world economy
and its main political implications at the end of the 60s (Keohane and Nye, 1970).
16
43
F i2U1'e 2.6: T ransnational research categones, contents and authors
Category
Content and topics
1. Social morphology
- Social formation spanning borders.
- Ethnic diaspams and their 'triadic relationship':
a. globally dispersed yet collectively self-identified ethnic groups,
h. the territorial states and contexts where such groups reside,
",d
c. the homeland states and contexts whence they or their
fQrebears came.
- Transnational social formations are structures or systems of
relationships best described as nel:\1.lorks.
- Tt'msnationaI processes, clunging social bierarthies and
transnational states.
- Configuration of global cities and networks.
2. Diasporic
consciousness
3. Modes of cultural
reproduction
4. Avenue of capital
5. Sites of political
engagement
- The 'here and there' consciousness, particularly in the case of
global diaspoms.
- The creation of new subjectivities in the global arena.
- The rise of a 'transnational imaginary'.
- Transnationalism associated with a fluidity of constructed styles,
social institutions and everyday practices. These are often
described in tenns of syncretism, creolization, bricolage, cultural
translation and hybridity.
- The discourses of cultural specificity and difference, packaged for
transnational consumption.
- Different forms of globalised media.
- TNCs as the major institutional form of transnational practices
and the key to understanding globalisation.
- TNCs represent globe-spanning structures or networks that are
presumed to have largely jettisoned their national origins. Their
systems of supply, production, marketing, investment,
information transfer and management often create the paths
along which much of the world's transnational activities flow.
In this category also fall suggestions that a new transnational
capitalist class has arisen.
- The creation of a global public space or forum through
communication technologies.
- Global and transnational social movements, global civil society
andINGOs.
- Global resistance and alternatives to Neoliberalism.
- Ethnic diaspoms transnational activities.
- Politics ofTransnational Communities.
.
Authors
- Castells (1996)
- Sassen (1988, 196~
1998,2001)
- Wallerstein
- Robinson (2001)
- Tayio, (2003)
- Toi6iyan (1991)
- Vertovec (1999)
- Portes (1999)
- Guamizo and Landolt (1999)
- Levitt and Dehesa (2003)
- Yea et al (2003)
- Voigt-GNf (2004)
- Appadurru and Breckenridge (1989)
- Wilson and Dissanayake (1996)
- Hall (1991)
- Appadurai and Breckendridge
(1989)
- Spivak (1989)
- Chow (1993)
- King, ConneU and 'White (1995)
- Gillespie (1995)
- Morleyand Robins (1995)
- Shohat and Stam (1996)
- SkIai, (1995)
- Dicken (1992)
- Castells (1996)
- Robinson (2001)
- Aige' (1997)
- Castells (1997)
- Watermann (1998)
- Kriesberg (1997)
- Cohen (1995)
- Fisher and Ponniah (2003)
- Levitt (2001)
- Guamizo and Smith (1998)
6. Reconstruction of
'place' or locality.
- The creation of translocal understandings.
- Changes in people's relations to space through the creation of
'social fields' connecting peopJe and actors in more than one
country.
- AppadunU (1995)
- Keamey (1995)
- Hanners (1996)
- Glick Schiller, Basch and Szanton-
Bh"" (1992)
- Castells (1996)
- Goidring (1998)
- Smith 998)
d
Source: Vertovec, 1999: 48-56.
In the case of migration research, although there were some studies of transnational
dynamics and communities in the previous research waves, they tended to be rare in
comparison to the studies dedicated to the massive flows of international migration that
were occurring from the end of the 19'h century until the 1970s (portes et al., 1999: 225).
From the end of the 1980s and particularly in the 1990s, the growing practical and
theoretical significance of what Portes and others called grassroots transnationalism
became increasingly clear,
44
' ... Theoretically, because it represents a distinct form of immigrant adaptation
adaptation to those described in the past literature. Practically, because it offers an
option to ordinary people not present in the past, either in their own countries or in
those to which they migrate .. .' (1999: 227)
The main question here is to define if there is ongoing a new mode of migration that could
no be capture by the traditional concept of international migration. The answer to this
question is affirmattive in the sense that, in part, as a consequence of the new transport and
communication technologies the migration from the periphery to core countries have
developed new dynamics and characteristics, including strong social networks that allow to
the immigrants to keep connected to their families and communities in the country of
origin. At the same time, the immigrants are developing a complex idenditity and practice,
that is not only binational but, beyond that, mixed.
This new phenomena is studied by different approaches. In fact, throughout the 1990s, the
number of scholars using the transnational 'frame' in migration studies grew significantly
covering a wide diversity of subjects and topics including: the rise and reproduction of
transnational communities; localities, regions and spaces; transnational agencies, families
and households; transnational identities and culture; transnational politics, immigration
policies and citizenship. These topics have been developed in several regional, national and
local case-studies as part of what has been suggestively named processes of 'globalisation
from below' (Glick Schiller et al. 1992; Portes, 1997; Portes et ai, 1999; Levitt, 2001; Levitt
and de la Dehesa, 2003; Canales and Zlolniski, 2000; Faist, 1997a, 1997b, 2000; Morales
and Castro, 2002; Popkin, 2003).
In his assessment of different currents studying transnational migration, Kivisto (2001)
pointed out the existence of three main currents, first, the cultural anthropology
perspective mainly developed by Glick Schiller and others (1992, 1995) that considered
transnational migration and transmigrants were a totally new historical phenomena that
deserved a new theory. In their words, transnationalism refers to 'the process by which
immigrants build social fields that link together their country of origin and their country of
settlement', and transmigrants are the 'immigrants who build such social fields' by
maintaining a wide range of affective and instrumental social relationships spanning
borders (Schiller etal. 1992, p. 1; Basch etal. 1994, p. 27). In their own words,
45
We define "transnationalism" as the processes by which immigrants forge and sustain
multi-stranded social relations that link together their societies of origin and
settlement. We call these processes transnationalism to emphasize that many
immigrants today build social fields that cross geographic, cultural, and political
borders .... An essential element is the multiplicity of involvements that transmigrants
sustain in both home and host societies. We are still groping for a language to describe
these social locations (Basch, Glick Schiller, and Blanc-Szanton 1994: 6).
These authors pointed out the idea that categories such as seasonal or permanent migration
or migrants are unnecessary, and also they sustained that the assimilationist and the cultural
diversity theories are overcome by this new reallity and that they are not able to capture the
new features and dynamics created by the transmigration, particularly the idea of a
nationally unbounded fields and identities configured by transmigration (Schiller et aI.,
1992; Basch et aI., 1994).
In relation to the main limitations of this approach, scholars'such as Portes and I<.:ivisto
rejected the very idea that this kind of migration is totally new, giving examples of previous
experiences that could be considered transnational migration or transmigration. Another
important critic is that not all contemporary migration dynamics are transnational, in fact,
the most important part of them could not be considered transnational migration, but
seasonal or semi-permanent migration. However, these critics conceded the fact that the
phenomena is growing gaining massiveness and that there are new elements to analyse that
require new categories and concepts (I<.:ivisto, 2001; Portes, 1999, Portes et at, 1999).
The second current is developed by Portes and other scholars such as Guamizo and
Landlolt (portes, 1999; Portes et
at,
1999). It is a more historic and sociological view of
transnational migration. To start with, they point out that transnational migration is not a
new phenomena and that for that reason the use of the transnational frame to study
migration should not be limited to present immigrants. In fact, to sustain their position,
they give examples of past cases of transnational migration (portes, 1997 and 1999). The
differences is not qualitative but quantitative, because transnational migration is more
massive today that in the past decades. One of the main factors in explaining this new
situation is the improvement of communication channels and transportation systems that
have facilitated, on the one hand, the link between the community of origin and the
immigrants in the recipient society, and, on the other hand, the growth of immigration,
particularly from peripheral to core countries.
46
Other important difference between Portes and Lancllolt with the previous current is that
they would rather to use the term immigrants instead of transmigrants, because they point
out that not all current migration is transnational and that the only use of transmigrants is
unsufficient to explain the complexity of migration today (portes et al, 1999). In fact, not all
current migration is transnational or, beyond that, mainly only a minority of the tota. As
pointed out by Kivisto,
'Portes et al. differentiate immigrants in terms of their access to the technological
prerequisites for transnationalism. Those with higher levels of social capital would be
more likely to forge transnational linkages than those with less capital. At the same
time, proximity continues to count: groups with homelands closer to the receiving
nation will be the most likely candidates for establishing transnational ties (partes et al.
1999, p. 224). Given these stipulations, it would appear that those that can actually be
defined as transnational immigrants might in fact constitute a minority of today's total
immigrant population.' (I<ivisto, 2001: 562)
Portes et al define transnational migration as one possible outcome between different
options. Those options include from total assimilation to total rejection to recipient society.
The factors that shape transnational migration are, among others, the expelling factors, the
extent to which homeland remain significant for immigrants, and the level of hostility to
newcomers in the recipient society (portes et aI., 1999).
A very important component of Portes' theoretical frame is the historical production of
transnational migration and communities, which points out that the emergence of
transnational communities is tied to the logic of capitalism itself. The immigrants are
brought into play by the interests and the needs of investors and employers in the recipient
countries, as part of labour dynamics. Immigrants are not invading but they are needed by
the advanced economies. A second important element is that transnational immingrants
follow a pattern of assimilation different to traditional immigrant's adaptation. A third
element, is that because this phenomenon is fueled by the dynamics of globalisation, it has
greater growth potential and offers a broader field for autonomous popular initiatives than
alternative ways to deal with the depredation of world-roaming capital (portes, 1997).
Along to these lines, he points out that common people is responding to globalisation
creating transnational communities that
47
' ... sit astride political borders and that, in a very real sense, are "neither here nor there"
but in both places simultaneously. The economic activities that sustain these
communities 31e grounded precisely on the differentials of advantage created by state
boundaries. In this respect, they are no different from the large global corporations,
except that these enterprises emerge at the grassroots level and its activities are often
informal' (portes, 1997: 4-5)
The fmal comparison between transnational corporations and migration made by
Portes in the previous paragraph is signal by Kivisto as not clear enough, as well as
the concept 'transnational fields' that requires a more detail characterisation (l(ivisto,
2001).
Another important element of Portes' transnational migration frame is related to what he
calls 'the other side of the equation', that is the effects of globalisation on the supply of
potential immigrants in the country of origin. Among others, these effects are produced by
political, economic and social transformations created by the drive of multinational capital
to expand markets in the periphery, and, simoultaneously to take advantage of its reservoirs
of labour that they creates with their actions, including the economic reestructuring and
reorientation oriented towars external markets.
One of the most interesting findings of Portes' work it that part of the transnational
migrants become petit entrepreneurs, phenomenon that this author calls 'globalisation
from bellow'. As he points out,
A class of immigrant transnational entrepreneurs who shuttles regularly across countries
and maintains daily contact with events and activities abroad could not exist without
these new technologies and the options and lower costs that they make possible. More
generally, this form of popular response to global restructuring, does not emerge in
opposition to broaden economic forces, but is driven by them. Through this strategy,
labor (initially immigrant labour) joins the circles of global trade imitating and adapting,
often in ingenious ways, to the new economic framework.
This parallel between the strategies of dominant economic actors and immigrant
transnational enterprise is only partial, however. Both make extensive use of new
technologies and both depend on price and information differences across borders, but
while corporations rely primarily on their fmancial muscle to make such ventures
feasible, immigrant entrepreneurs depend entirely on their social capital (Guarnizo 1992;
Zhott and Bankston 1994). What makes these enterprises transnational is not only that
they are created by former immigrants, but that they depend for their existence on
continuing ties to the United States (portes, 1991: 9, 10, Portes and Guarruzo 1990: 2122).
48
Furthermore, :while back and forth movements by immigrants have always existed, they
have not acquired until recently the critical mass and complexity necessary to speak of an
emergent social field. This field is composed of a growing number of persons who live dual
lives: speaking two languages, having homes in two countries, and making a living through
continuous regular contact across national borders (portes, et al1999, p. 217). In his final
form of definitional delimitation identifies individuals and their support networks as the
appropriate units of analysis, thereby excluding communities and more overarching
structural units such as governments (portes et af. 1999, pp. 219-20). As is pointed out by
Kivisto, these exclusions are not sufficiently explained by Portes et af
' .. .it is reasonable to raise a question about why communities are excluded, particularly
since in preceding articles Portes has explicitly spoken about transnational
communities. He argues for this exclusion, not so much in conceptual terms, but as a
methodological strategy, based on his conviction that it is advisable at this stage in
transnational research to concentrate on individuals and families. However, I would
suggest that the study of immigrants can never be simply the study of individuals and
families, but must at all points take account of the corporate life within which
individuals and families are embedded. In so far as this is the case, Portes' strategy may
be deemed problematic. Thus, transnational immigrant communities ought to be seen
as necessary objects of investigation for those interested in manifestations of
transnationalism from below.' (Kivisto, 2001: 560).
Portes et af (1999, p. 221) distinguish three different types of transnationalism: (1)
economic, (2) political and (3) sociocultural. Economic transnationalism involves
entrepreneurs whose network of suppliers, capital and markets crosses nation-state
borders. Political transnationalism is said to involve 'the political activities of party officials,
governmental functionaries, or community leaders whose main goals are the achievement
of political power and influence in the sending or receiving countries' (portes et af. 1999, p.
221). The socio-cultural refers to activities 'oriented towards the reinforcement of a
national identity abroad or the collective enjoyment of cultural events and goods' (portes et
at. 1999, p. 221). Thus, the circulatory labour migrations of the preceding era would be
included. Thus, they contend that the scope of transnationalism is far more extensive today
than a century ago (portes et af. 1999, pp. 223-27).
From this thesis perspective, it is important to emphasises some of the elements from
Portes' transnational theoretical framework, first, that transnational migration is not new
and that there is migration beyond the transnational one. Second, there are different modes
of transnationalisms, economic, political, cultural, social and son on. These processes are
49
part of a major process which is globalisation. Migration in general, and transnational
migration in particular are part of it and that is why Portes considere it as the labour side of
globalisation or, to put it in his words, the globalisation from bellow. A very important
element to highlight is that Portes and the other scholars from this current are not only
trying to explain the main features of transnational migration but also intend to explain
how this migration is produced and, in that direction, they link transnational migration to
the process of transformation developed by global capitalism. A fmal element to remark
here is that, as has been pointed out by Kivisto, there are some points made by Portes that
should require more development, including the concept of transnational field and the
emphasis in the migrant and its household as the main unit of analysis.
The third current within the 'transnational' school is developed by the scholar Thomas
Faist. As pointed out by Kivisto, Faist is an author that has done a very significant effort to
contour for a systematic theory of transnationalism predicated on the idea of the
construction of border-crossing social spaces (Kivisto, 2001; Faist 1998; 2000b; 2000c). In
fact, this author is seeking to offer a new model of migration that can answer two main
questions, on the one hand, why do so few people migrate and why, more specifically, are
there so few people out of so many places? On the other hand, why are so many migrants
from so few places? Faist answers are tied to what he defines as the mesolink, related to
social networks and social capital. A good start is the Faist's space definition,
' ... space not only refers to physical features, but also to larger opportunity structures,
the social life and the subjective images, values and meanings that the specific and
limited place represents to potential migrants' (Faist, 1997: 252).
For this theory, there are three intertwined levels of any social space, namely macrostructures or macro-components, agents (micro-components) and collective and social
networks (meso-components).
The macro·level, meaning the structure or macro-context of both the original and recipient
societies, encompasses many elements that are largely common to all members of the
community and affects the meanings attributed to the projects of migration:
economIc elements such as property, income, labour markets and employment
dynamics and trends that connect both recipient and expelling societies.
50
politics and policies, including migration policies and political regimes (democratic,
repressive);
culrural settings, including norms, values and discourses (e.g. perceptions about
migration, expectations about the furure in both host and original countries);
demographic factors (population growth and trends)
and ecological dimensions (natural disasters, quality of soil, etc.) (Carling, 2001: 24,
Faist 2000: 31).
In consequence, strucrures are fundamental in determining the access to and distribution
of symbolic and material resources in the population, or, from another point of view, the
array of opporrunities and constraints that individuals of the same community, ethnic
group, class or social formation have in the process of life (Rubin stein, 2001: 5). An
important point to make is that strucrures are not static or invariable and they can be (and
are) reconfigured and mediated through social networks by individual agents. Hence, the
strucrural context is very important but it is not in itself enough to explain transnational
migration; particularly if the srudy of migration is seeking to highlight why, under the same
structural conditions, some individuals migrate and others do not. To explore this contrast
and to understand how the decision to migrate is taken, it is necessary to incorporate the
me so and the micro levels to the analysis.
The micro-level refers to the migrant's actions and practices. Here, the individual, as a social
actor, is conceived as a sort of context 'reader' with the assessment capability to act and
decide in his/her environment or context (Rubinstein, 2001: 184; Sen et ai, 1987: 36-7).
Furthermore, following Emirbayer and Goodwin's defmition:
'Human agency, as we conceptualise it, entails the capacity of socially embedded
actors to appropriate, reproduce and potentially, to innovate upon received cultural
categories and conditions of action in accordance with their personal and collective
ideals, interests and commitments. If cultural and societal (network) structures,
shape actors, then it is equally true that actors shape these structures in turns.
(Quoted by Rubiosteio, 2001: 146-7)
The decision to become a 'migrant' is, as in almost any important decision of a person's
life, the result of a complex process of decision making. Human agency is the result of the
interaction of many different variables, including at least the following:
51
a) cultural background, which includes the systems of belief (which historically transmit
patterns of meanings), a system of inherited conceptions expressed in symbolic forms by
means of which human individuals communicate, perpetuate and develop their knowledge
about, and attitudes toward, life (Rubinstein, 2001: 2-17). In this case, the cultural
background is very important for explaining how individuals confront similar structural
opportunities and constraints. E.g., the attitude to migration may not be the same between
a man and a woman, or between a person that is aged 17-45 and a person above 45. The
level of literacy could also be important in determining how the opportunity is read by the
individual. For this variable, the meso-level (the household unit), as well as the community,
are also significant (Faist, 1997 (a): 187-197).
b) Entitlements and material resources are important factors in setting the array of
opportunities that an individual or the household unit possess. They increase or reduce the
"room for manouvere" or the margin of freedom (Sen et ai, 1987: 36). Here again, many
studies have shown that in general it is not the poorest who migrate, because it is necessary
to have some resources for travel, as well as for survival during the insertion of the
emigrant in the new country. A property could make a difference for the migrant in terms
of the length of the migration experience.
c) Personal aspirations are a factor that is influenced by cultural background and also by
inner motivations (Rubinstein, 2001: 164). It is related to the desire of the individual in
terms of what he/ she wants to do with his/her life, how he/ she projects his/her life in the
future and the question as to whether migration would help to achieve what they want.
d) The ability or capability to achieve things. In this case the realisation of a desire to
emigrate (Carling, 2001: 28).
3) Finally, the meso-level represents the collectives and social networks which constitute, what
Faist has named, the 'missing' meso-link. This includes:
a) Social ties, comprising strong ties like familiar relationships or weak networks of
potential movers (e.g. members of the same community migrating together to the same
place) or the relations with brokers.
52
b) Symbolic ties, including kin, ethnic, national, political, and religious organisations.
c) The content of ties and transactions whose contents are also important in terms of
obligations, reciprocity and solidarity, as well as information, control and access to the
resources of others. Paist names these elements as the social capital of the migrant (paist,
2000: 31).
In summary, migration dynamics in transnational social spaces involve individuals, their
flows and networks of social relations, their communities, institutions like local and
national governments and immigration policies, and structures such as labour markets or
economic policies in both, the original and the host countries (paist, 2000; Portes et al,
1999; Voigt-Graf, 2004: 28-29).
2.2.3.2 Limitations and challenges of transnational migration theories
Some limitations of the transnational theoretical frameworks explored above include the
oversimplification of any suggestion of a total break between the old and the new
approaches to migration, and the inadvisability of using assimilation and transnational
migration as totally exclusive categories (Kivisto, 2001).
In relation to the first limitation, Portes and Paist have pointed out that, although it is ttue
that in historical terms there was transnational migration in previous waves of international
migration (among others examples, the Jewish Diaspora), these did not have the
significance, diversity and massiveness of transnational dynamics in present days (portes,
1999; Paist, 1999). These changes, particularly significant in long-distance migration, have
been made possible because of the technological revolution in telecommunications and
transport, leading to the acceleration of time-space compression and facilitating permanent
communication and linkages between people that are geographically distant. However, it is
not only as a simbolic form of communication that has been facilitated, but also the
financial flows between immigrants in the host societies and their families in their country
of origin, as is demonstrated by the growing importance of remittances for many peripheral
countries. In relation to the second critique, as pointed out by Partes, it was the
assimilationist theory that neglected the social capital and social networks of immigrants
and assumed that immigrants should cut linkages with the original sociery and be totally
integrated into the recipient society, giving up their culture and traditions. In the case of the
transnational framework, Portes and Paist point out the importance of social networks as a
meso-link that is a key element in explaining the existence of transnational migration
dynamics and spaces.
53
These concerns are not enough to suggest a lack of theoretical validity for the use of the
transnational framework to apprehend the migration dynamics of a new stage of capitalism
that is both global and transnational. Although this thesis shares the position that the
transnational theoretical frameworks are suited to understanding the particularities of some
current migration dynamics, particularly those occuring in core recipient countries, the
author considered that the overatention to the migration agency level could neglect
important migration flows from South to North and from peripheral regions to core
countries, and also to understanding migration between regions with geographically uneven
development in the periphery. As is pointed out by Kivisto (2001: 49), these approaches
attempt to capture the distinctive and characteristic features of the new immigrant
communities that have developed in the advanced industrial nations at the core of the
capitalist world system.
It is important to notice that a good part of the migration flows from Central America and
Mexico to the United States, as well as from Nicaragua to Costa Rica are seasonal
migration which should deserve a different treatment than semi-permanent or permanent
migration, which are those dynamics mainly studied by transnational migration approaches.
Another important element to point out, is that a significant part of these migration
dynamics, including not only seasonal but also semi and permanent migrations, are
outcome of development transformations that has been going on during the last twenry
years in Latin America and other part of the World. Hence, for this thesis is very important
to analyse not only migration dynamics' agency but also the context that produce migration
or, to put it in other words, the structural dimension of these processes.
The author would rather to use the concept of transnational social space and not migratory
transnational space, because as has been pointed out by some scholars such as Morales and
Castro for the Central American context (2002), migration is a key component of a wider
process of transnationalisation. In fact, as is going to be discuss throughout this thesis, the
Nicaraguan migration to Costa Rica has been necessary to its economic development and
in the last three decades to deepen the transnationlisation of the Costarican economic
structure and dynamic. In fact, a significant part of the Nicaraguan immigrants are working
in economic activities for exporting (agriculture) or for transnational businesses such as
tourism industry (Sandoval, 2001).
54
This premise is extended by Faist (2000), who makes two further propositions:
'1. Transnational social spaces consist of combinations of ties and their contents,
position in networks and organisations, and networks of organisations that can be
found in at least two geographically and internationally distinct places. The reality of
transnational exchanges indicates that migration and return migration are not definite,
irrevocable and irreversible decisions; transnationallives in themselves may become a
strategy of survival and betterment ...
2. Over time, transnational links can con catenate in various forms of transnational
spaces-transnational reciprocity in kinship groups, transnational circuits in exchangebased networks, and transnational communities such as diaspotas, charactetised by
high degrees of diffuse solidarity.. .' (Faist, 2000: 197-98)
The occupations, actions, and networks that occur in transnational social space can include,
not only different sorts of human migration dynamics, but also other sorts of practices like
the actions of transnational enterprises, distribution of labour division between countries,
trade exchange, and so on (Voigt-Graf, 2004: 27-29). This is particularly important for this
thesis because, as mentioned before, there has been a long history of transnationallinkages
between Nicaragua and Costa Rica, in which migration from North to South has played an
important roles, including a process of transnationalisation of labour dynamics.
This is coincident with Sassen's work that at the end of the 1980s highlighted the growing
importance of migration as part of the transnational dynamics that were gaining force in
the new global context (1988). She pointed out that one of the salient features of the
globalisation process was the existence of global dties that acted as 'nodes' that were the
outcome of a twofold intertwined dynamic: on the one hand, the centralisation of the
management and services sectors of the global economy into those global cities (mainly
located in the core), and, on the other hand, the creation of a global labour market to
supply manpower for the low-wage jobs required for the functioning of the former
sectors. This has implied the transformation of the labour markets in semi and peripheral
countries, dismantling both their industry and traditional agriculture, and also the public
sector through the massive reductions in employment involved in privatisation of public
enterprises. Among the main outcomes were growing unemployment, 'in formalisation' and
'precarisation' of labour markets in the Periphery (and even in some sectors of the core)
and a negative social impact in the conditions of life of the population (Sassen, 1988;
Sklair, 2002: 91-96).
55
These changes created a relative labour force surplus in these regions and a labour force
demand at the Core, particularly significant in the global Cities. In synthesis, migration has
been a core feature of globalisation as a consequence of the creation of a global labour
market with the corresponding global supply and demand of the labour force, and a
growing circulation of service workers as part of the international trade and investment in
services and the circulation of low-wage workers (Sassen, 1996, 1988). Overbeek points
out the different mechanisms that are producing the integration of national and regional
labour markets and the growing internationalisation of labour markets through migration
dynamics (2002: 74-79).
These relations have to be analysed in order to comprehend migration dynamics in
transnational social spaces and how they are produced in geo-historical tenus. Migration
dynamics require the geographical separation between the reproduction of the production
realms within the household or family unit. This split makes it feasible for the migrant
and/or their family to 'take advantage' of the uneven development between the country of
origin (-) and the country of reception (+). At the same time, this separation 'facilitates' the
reduction of the reproduction costs as well as wages for the capitalist producers of the
society of reception. That is why it can be asserted that migration generally implies an
enormous quota of sacrifice and social pain for the migrants and their relatives.
'To put it in other words, frequently out-migration works as part of a survival strategy for
their households in the society of origin, and, at the same time, immigration works as
source of cheap labour supply for the recipient society's economic sectors where the
immigrants are required. As is pointed out by Pries (2001), the social practice of these
transnational social spaces includes the development of transnational survival strategies and
household economics. In fact, this thesis shares the view that a significant part of current
migration dynamics from Perifery to Core that are producing transnational social spaces
among these regions must be considered within the broader context of household survival
strategies that seek to reduce economic risks in their societies and facilitate capital
accumulation. Among other causes, capital market failures and lack of access to credit can
make temporary international migration an atrtactive strategy for capital accumulation for
the migrant's families or households (pries, 2001; Castles, 2002).
56
The second element concerns what Faist (1999: 198-99) properly names 'gates' or 'doors',
in other words those factors blocking or permitting access
to
the external borders of
nation-states. These include 'formal gates' (including political or institutional aspects such
as entry visas, immigrant regulations, integration policies), and informal aspects such as
social distances or barriers in terms of, amongst others, ethnic, racial, religious, language
and cultural dispositions and stereotypes. These formal or informal doors work as social,
cultural and economic fIlters. They normally reflect the cultural and economic bias of both
the country of origin and the country of reception. For example, it is quite common to
fInd a double moral standard in the immigration policy of a country of reception where
migrants with different backgrounds are treated differently. Thus, if they are professionals
with high qualifications or potential investors they are easily able to access visa or special
permits of residence, whilst, if the migrant is an unskilled worker, it is very probable that
the entry requirements are so difficult to achieve that it would be easier to enter as a nondocumented immigrant.
The third component, also developed by Faist, are the 'bridges' or connections that exist
between organizations, groups, and people in and between nation states. These include
institutional elements such as binational labour recruitment programs, and informal
elements such as the migration networks that facilitate or interfere with migration and its
sustainabiliry (paist, 1999: 198-99).
2.2.3.5. The role of migration dynamics in the production of transnational social
spaces
An important epistemological question to answer in this chapter is how a social process is
produced? In Lefebvres' sense, as was pointed out above, the answer to this question
requires a movement from an abstract to a geo-historical level and from a product or
outcome -oriented analysis to one focused upon the conditions of production of the study
object, namely the production of a transnational social space and, within it the role of
migration dynamics. As it is pointed by Sassen,
Migrations do not simply happen. They ate produced. And migrations do not
involve just any possible combinations of countries. They are patterned.' (1999: 155)
Hence, to explain how a particular migration network of flows has been produced we can
have two main premises:
57
1) Transnational social spaces and migration dynamics, processes and networks are the
result of cumulative and multiple factors.
2) migration dynamics are, in general, part of a wider process of transnationalisation.
In relation to the first point, Portes and Massey are among the scholars that have brought a
historical perspective to migration explanations, pointing out that migrant transnational
spaces are built upon a set of cumulative causations that are by no means unidimensional
(Massey, 1991: 27-29, Portes, 1991: 77). Amongst other factors that can be mentioned here
are demographic and ecological pressures, a history of labour recruitment, a culture of
emigration, and influences imported from abroad that also give rise to emigration
pressures .. .' (Diaz-Briquets et at, 1991: 5) Portes and Sassen also highlight the importance
of the geopolitical, cultural and historical relations between the recipient and sending
societies (portes, 1991; Sassen, 2001).
The mechanisms binding immigration countries to emigration countries can assume many
forms, but Sassen points out three as principal:
1) Geopolitical actions (colonial and neo-colonial bonds).
2) Economic links (SAPs, free trade agreements, outsourcing maquila).
3) Labour recruitment programs (such as the Bracero program between Mexico and the
United States).
In the case of Central America, the production of both a transnational social space and
migration dynamcs have to take into account the geopolitical and economic influence of
the United States upon the region.
In relation to the mesa-level, the production of migration flows and networks throughout
time, are also a result of the cumulative building up of social networks that are oriented not
only by economic interests. As pointed by Portes:
'Networks developed by the movement of people back and forth are at the core of the
micro-structures which sustain migration over time ... Contact across space, "family
chains", and the new information and interest which they promote become at least as
important as the original calculations of gain in sustaining the cyclical movement'
(1991: 83-84)
58
Family networks are the micro-structures that sustain migration over time. They provide
contact across space through "family chains", they share information (where to go, jobs,
social environment, where to stay, how to travel, what route, contacts), and provide
solidarity and financial mutual support. This viewpoint is, also shared by Massey who notes
that '... migration is cumulative caused by the progressive formation of social networks
that steadily lower the costs of emigration from sending communities ... ' (Massey, 1991:
29).
A last point to make here is that, in general terms, in the production of a migrant
transnational social space, the host society has a favourable asymmetrical economic and
geopolitical relationship that stimulates manpower migration from the origin's social space.
In relation to the use of this concept in the Central American context is necessary to
highlight two historical facts that are important to this research, on the one hand, the fact
that with different rhythms and salient features, the region has generally followed the same
style of development, in part, because of the ovetwhelming influence of the United States
since the end of the 19'h centuty by mean of the exercise of two intertwined logics: the
territorial or geopolitical and the economic (Harvey, 2003; Taylor, 2000a, 2000b). On the
other hand, the existence of a very strong historical connection between Nicaragua and
Costa Rica that make necessaty to analyse the style of development of both countries to
understand the production of their migratoty transnational spaces and dynamics.
In synthesis, the theoretical framework has two sets of components. The first set of
components is related to the migratory transnational space that includes:
1) The structural conditions or macro-level, including gates and bridges in both the society
of origin and the society of reception.
2) The mesa-level or the social network of the migrant.
3) The micro-level or the individual agent actions and practices.
The second set of components is related to the style of development in two different
scales, the regional for Central America and the national for Nicaragua and Costa Rica.
59
With these theoreitical elements this thesis is going to explore and analyse how have been
interwined development and migration between Nicaragua and Costa Rica from a long
term perspective and without losing the perspective that migrations dynamics are always
part of wider processes.
60
CHAPTER 3: A methodological strategy to study the interaction
between transnational migration and style of development.
The main objective of this chapter is to explain the main methods and techniques that I
used in the research and also the strategy that I followed to obtain the necessary primary
and secondary information to answer the research questions (see page 9). This strategy
passed throughout several different stages including its original formulation and design and
then, changes during its implementation during the fieldwork. The definirion of the
research stategy and its implementation was affected by the impacts of practical elements
that either facilitated or created difficulties in achieving the aims of the research. However,
subjective elements related to my position and agency in this research process, particularly
my condition of bi-national citizen (Costa Rican of Nicaraguan origin), were also
important considerations. My personal experience in this doctorate confirmed that, at the
end of the day, research outcomes are result of the combination of intentionality,
feasibility, contingency and subjectivity.
3.1 Epistemological and personalpositionality in the research process
My philosophical view of research
belongs to neither the tradition that assumes the
researcher can and must be neutral nor to the empirical school of thought that assumes that
the facts 'speak for themselves' (Murray and Overton, 2003: 21; Luengo, 2002). I share the
point of view of the historical-hermeneutic school that rejects the empirical view of the
world and argues that facts do not exist independently of social experience. In the same
perspective, I share from the critical approach the need to uncover non-evident or nonexplicit processes and relations (the historical production of social events) (Murray and
Overton, 2003: 21-22). Thus, whilst I assume the researcher should be oijective in the
treatment of collected information and data and should avoid configuring reality in an
arbitrary way by manipularing the information to make them "say" what the researcher
wants to "hear", at the same time, I believe that the researcher should make explicit from
the beginning his or her ethical and ideological17 concerns, premises and convicrions.
This would help to make clear to the reader and to the people involved in the research
process as an 'object' of the research, the origin of the research questions as well as the
delimitation of the study object beyond its technical dimensions and considerations
(research objectives are not a naive coincidence or a genial occurrence but a result of
particular ethical, ideological or political preoccupations).
17
In the Marxist sense of a general view of the world.
61
Another important issue to be explored in relation to the idea of research neutrality relates
to the social consequences of the research outcomes. To put it in a simple way, for the
neutral approach to research, the' consequences of research are not relevant or are not
intended. So-called neutral research only describes technical results based upon 'facts.' In
the case of the conceptual and methodological approaches that inspire this research, there
is a conscious concern about the social and ethical implications of the results. From this
perspective, there is a normative dimension to this research project reflected in the idea
that the outcomes should have a positive impact in the studied communities, sectors,
institutions, policies or groups. Although my methodology is not consciously researchaction oriented, my fieldwork did contribute to the opening of a space of encounter
between the local political and social leadership to reflect about the implications of
migration for their grassroots organisations, NGOs and their wider community (Condega).
In the same direction, although this is not a policy-oriented study, I used part of the
collected information to contribute to the national debate over these issues, particularly as
a member of the Forum of Immigrant Population (a civil society network), and
participated in the political debate over the modification of a vety restrictive immigration
law that was proposed by the Costa Rican government at the time of my field research
(2005-06). The information gleaned from my participation in these processes helped shed
light upon the particular dynamics of Nicaraguan rural immigrants in Costa Rica. The
experience also helped me to validate my data and enriched my own interpretation of the
phenomena that I was studying.
In the case of my position about the importance of quantitative data in the research
process, this research distances itself from the view that over-emphasises the importance
of quantitative data and its description. As I pointed out in the theoretical chapter, the
statistical data can be useful in characterising or describing a particular social phenomenon,
but to understand how is pr6duced in historical terms it is necessaty to go beyond its
appearance, analysing what is behind and beyond the surface (Murray and Overron, 2003:
23) and that is what I have tried to do throughout this thesis.
There is a final element of my positionality that I have to make explicit here, this is the fact
that I was born in Nicaragua, I have been living in Costa Rica since I was thirteen years old
and that I belong to a -literally- binational family because my father was Nicaraguan and
62
my mother is Costa Rican. This part of my background contributes to explaining my
interest in the migration issue. In fact, I am an immigrant myself. Of course, I should make
clear that my situation is totally different from the contemporary Nicaragua to Costa Rica
migration that I have studied in this thesis. I came at the end of the 1970s with my mother,
brother (1) and sisters (4) (my father stayed in Nicaragua until the beginning of the 1980s).
When I arrived in Costa Rica, there was at that time a massive solidarity and sympathy
towards the Nicaraguan people and their struggle against the Somoza dictatorship. In fact,
I never felt or suffered any kind of discrimination. This was probably reinforced because
of the fact that my family was a typical middle class household in a society which is proud
of its significant middle class. Hence, I could pass as a typical middle class tieo (diminutive
of Costa Rican).
In the 1990s the attitude towards the Nicaraguan population in Costa Rica changed
dramatically, in part because of the massively increasing numbers, but also because they
were poorer than the Costa Rican population in a moment in which the country was
suffering the social consequence of Neoliberal policies that were threatening the Costa
Rican welfare state, reducing the middle class and expanding the poor population. This
process is explained in a brilliant way by Carlos Sandoval in the book Otras Amenazantes
(Sandoval, 2002).
The combination of these factors made the Nicaraguan immigrants the perfect scapegoats
for justifying the deterioration of the Costa Rican level of life in a context of Structural
Adjustment. This was combined with the underpinning of xenophobic attitudes in growing
sectors of the national population who started to associate Nicaraguan immigration with
violence, delinquency, health problems, job problems and the deterioration of public
services such as Social Security, housing and education (this will probably sound familiar in
an European context). This process was accompanied by a racialisation of Nicaraguan
immigrants, stereotyping them as darker than the Costa Rican, and also as dirty people.
Although I never suffered these attacks, the situation induced me to take a position. I
started to explore questions about my Nicaraguan origin at an emotional level (my roots,
my family linkages and childhood memories), to move to a more political position by
getting involved in the grassroots networks supporting migrants and finally at a more
reflective level, to try to understand why and how this process was being produced. In a
paper that I wrote during the
r~seach
process (Cortes Ramos, 2003) I expressed all these
63
elements saying that my position in relation to my study object cannot be neutral because
of my condition as immigrant, because of the fact that I have Nicaraguan roots, relatives
and friends, and also because I want to contribute to improve the life of the immigrants in
Costa Rica with my research.
After defining my positionality, it is now important to define the scales and the main
techniques used in the research process and also the strategy that was followed in order to
collect the information required. These are the objectives of the following sections.
3.2 Geographical scales to study of transnational migration
The first element of my methodological strategy that I defined was the different scales or,
to put it in other words, the concept of scale that I was going to use throughout the thesis.
A useful distinction is made by Johnston et at (2001) who sustains that there are, at least,
three main conceptualisations of scale within human geography:
i)
The cartographic, which refers to the level of abstraction at which a map is
constructed.
ii)
The methodological, which refers to the choice of scale made by a researcher in
the attempt to gather infotrnation aimed at answering a research problem.
ill)
The geographical, which refers to the dimension of specific landscapes, such as the
regional scale, the global scale or the scale of the body. The conceptualization of this
scale responds to specific processes in the physical and human landscape rather than a
conceptual abstraction lain over it. Two key assumptions of this sense of scale are,
first,
that geographical scale is a central organizing principle according to which
geographical differentiation takes place. It is a metric of spatial differentiation; it
arhitrates and organizes the kinds of spatial differentiation that frame the
landscape. As such it is the production of geographical scale rather than scale per se
that is appropriate research focus. It is not the scale which defines the processes to
study, but vice versa, the processes are the ones that define the scale ... ',
and, second,
' ... that it is possible to recognize a hierarchy of geographical scales, from that of
the body, the home and the community, through the local, the regional, national
and global ... ' Oohnston et al, 2001: 724-27).
The scales in this thesis result from a compromise between the methodological scale,
which recognizes practical elements and limitations such as time and resources, and the
64
geograf>hical scale, that brings the imagination necessary to think of 'scale' beyond
traditional boundaries, a basic requirement for grasf>ing the comf>lexity of transnational
f>rocesses that are multilocational and in conrinuous motion (Tamagno, 2003: 26-27;
Massey et al, 1995).
As f>ointed out in the f>revious chaf>ter, transnarional migration is intertwined with other
transnarional process that involve geof>olitical, political, economic, social and cultural
dimensions in different scales. To caf>ture this complexity I defined three main scales:
i)
The macro-regional scale included the relationship between the United States and
Central America. This scale included, depending upon the period, the influence of
different factors (geopolitical, political, economic, cultural and social processes)
within the relationship between the US (as a core country) and the Central
American countries. This scale also included the main trends of the regional style
of development that is conditioned, but not determined, by the influence of the
US.
il)
The binational scale embraced the transnational social space between Nicaragua and
Costa Rica, as neighbouring countries with a long history of intense exchanges. In
terms of the levels of analysis this scale includes the main political, economic and
social processes between the two countries, as well as the dialecrics between style of
development and migration dynamics between the two countries. This scale
included a national comparison of the main processes and factors that produced
the migration dynamics.
ill)
The local scale, was geographically constrained to the rural communiries of the three
selected Nicaraguan departments, namely Lean, Chinandega and Esteli. The main
levels of analysis are related to the chief features and dynamics of the rural
households of the studied communities of these departments.
The definition of these three scales was an important step towards the subsequent
selection of the main techniques employed in the research and also the definition of the
orientation and organisation of the fieldwork, as is explained in the following sections.
3.3 The hermeneutical technique in the use ofsecondary sources
A very significant part of my research was to re-read and re-interprets secondary sources
using the main concepts that I formulated in the theoretical chapter. Particularly important
65
were the concepts of 'style of development' with its conditioning and determinant factors
and 'migratory transnational spaces' with their dynamics, networks, gates and bridges, in
the different scales.
This review and re-reading included a wide range of databases and literature in different
knowledge fields such as history, geopolitics and politics, political economy, institutional
development, social, demographic (as well as migration trends) in the region and between
Nicaragua and Costa Rica. The main methodological challenge in this exercise was not
only to explore the different scales, but also to look at their articulations and
interconnections. Some databases were particular useful for addressing the economic and
demographic dimensions to the historical analysis of the thesis. In economic and social
terms, the databases of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean
(ECLAC) were extremely useful, particularly from 1950 onwards. The databases from the
Central Banks in both countries, Nicaragua and Costa Rica for the period 1990-2003 were
also important sources. There is a relative lack of data information for the 1980s, mainly
because of the political and military crisis the region was suffering in general and within
Nicaragua in particular.
In relation to the demographic dimension and migration dynamics, the census and
household surveys of both countries were a very important source of information,
providing a general idea of the main migration trends between the two countries,
particularly for Costa Rica as the recipient country. In fact, this information contributed to
the periodisation proposed in the thesis. However, it is important to point out that these
valuable sources have important limitations, including the fact that they have been carried
out on an irregular temporal basis and for that reason there are long periods without
official census information about population totals. Along the same lines, the years of
realisation of the census in both countries are not coincident making a diachronic
comparison for most years impossible (see Figure 3.1),
FiQ'ure 3.1: Nicarama and Costa Rica. National Census Years.
NicaraQJla
Costa Rica
1906
1927
1920
1950
1940
1973
1950
1984
2000
1963
1971
1995
Source: CCP, 2003 (www.ccp.ucr.ac.cr)
66
Another limitation of these sources is the fact that they only registered persons that had
lived for six months or more in the country. This implies, by definition, that a significant
part of rural migration is not covered by the Census or household surveys because the
migrants normally stay in the recipient country for a shorter period. A last point to
mention relates to the fact that irregular or non-documented migration is not adequately
captured by these instruments because this population distrusts (and tends to avoid) any
contact with national officials (Cortes Ramos, 2003: 4; Proyecto Estado de la Nacion,
1999).
3.3.1 The geographical scope ofthe research, the primary sources and the techniques utilised
Moving from the regional and bi-national scales to the local scale at which the case study
was going to be developed required some definitional elaboration, particularly in relation
to the location of the fieldwork and the selection of techniques.
In my original research design, fieldwork was going to be developed between September of
2002 and August of 2003 and was going to be qualitative, comprising the realisation of
semi-structured interviews with experts and Nicaraguan immigrants located in Costa Rica,
with a particular focus upon those with rural origins that were working in agriculture. I
started the work with the interviews of the experts; most of these were in Costa Rica. In
September, I went on a short visit of three weeks to Nicaragua to collect secondary
information and also to carry out some interviews and make a presentation about my
research and my perspective on Nicaraguan-Costa Rican migration dynamics in the
Universidad Centroamericana in Managua. During this visit, I met Reyna Adriana Zamora,
a student of the masters program in Rural Development at the Instituto de Capacitaci6n e
Investigaci6n en Desarrollo Rural Integral (ICIDRI) at the Universidad Politecnica (DPOLl).
Exchanging information about our own thesis projects, she explained to me about the
work that they were doing in Le6n and Chinandega, exploring in impressive detail the
main socioeconomic characteristics of the rural households of many communities in these
departments. She also indicated to me that in some of the communities, the interviewees
mentioned remittances as a source of complementary income, although their questionnaire
did not include questions about migration. Reina put me in contact me with Professor Jaap
van deer Zee, director of the Masters Program, an expert in rural development and
someone who later became a significant support for my fieldwork in Nicaragua. I
mentioned to Reina that I was interested in carrying out some qualitative interviews with
67
immigrants from Esteli in Costa Rica. By coincidence again, she used to live there and she
gave me two other contacts. Socorro Centeno, an independent sociologist and researcher
and Ligia Monge, director of OCTUPAN, an NGO from Condega, Esteli, that promotes
sustainable rural communities. I was able to interview them and their knowledge and the
detailed information that they gave me convinced me that I had to include Esteli as one of
the departments included in my study.
After I returned from Esteli, I interviewed Jaap Van deer Zee who gave me very insightful
information about the situation of the peasantry in Nicaragua. I shared with him the
information I got from my interviews in Esteli and he proposed the following
arrangement, to me. He would allow me to use their rural socioeconomic database from
Lean and Chinandega in the case that I decided to do a survey in rural Nicaraguan
communities to evaluate their level of emigration. In exchange, he asked me to apply their
questionnaire to the rural communities of Esteli, if I decided to do a survey in that
department. This offer opened a new perspective about my methodological strategy for
various reasons. First, to work with rural Nicaraguan households in their communities of
origin gave me the opportunity to assess the level of migration in the chosen communities
in a more representative mode. Second, it would be easier to obtain information about
rural migration dynamics by interviewing the migrants and their relatives in their own
environment and not in a hostile one, such as Costa Rica. Third, it would allow me to
explore, not only the experience of the migrants, but also the perception of other members
of the household unit about this dynamic. Fourth, the combination of access to ICIDRI's
socioeconomic database with a new database with a focus on migration characteristics
could generate information, not only about the main characteristics of rural migration
dynamics, but also about the economic characteristics and insertions of the migrants and
their households in both Nicaragua and Costa Rica. This was a potentially powerful
combination. The main problem was practical, a survey like that would require financial
resources that I did not have at that moment.
At that time, the Nicaraguan Presidency was formulating its new Program of National
Development. The person in charge of that formulation was Dr. Mario de Franco. As a
part of their formulation process, they were organising discussion meetings about different
subjects that were part of the Program. I received an invitation to discuss in very general
terms the main migration dynamics between Nicaragua and Costa Rica and also to suggest
68
some elements that could be contained in a migration policy for this country. That gave
me the chance to discuss with Mario the need to generate more information about the
different migration dynamics and also to mention the possibility of doing the survey.
Eventually, Mario agreed to give me the financial aid. Without this support the realisation
of the survey would have not been possible.
The realisation of the survey implied a significant reorientation of my fieldwork design.
Not only because it involved the selection of the rural communities where I was going to
carry out the survey in the three selected departments, but also because I had to design a
questionnaire that could collect the information necessary to answer the main research
questions. However, I also had to decide if my fieldwork was still going to incorporate
more qualitative techniques for addressing the research questions alongside the new survey
approach. The carrying out of some interviews when I was testing the questionnaire and a
long conversation with Marcos Foumier, an expert in quantitative and qualitative research,
convinced me that I had to use both quantitative techniques (the survey) and also
qualitative techniques (s and semi-structured interviews) to obtain a more complex and
complete portrait of the migration dynamics that I was studying.
3.3.2 GeoJ!faphical scope delimitation
The first department I selected for administering the survey was Esteli, located in the
Centre North of the country and a very rural department with an important level of
emigration to the urban centres of Costa Rica (12 percent). Within this department, I
decided to work in the rural communities of Condega, one of the six districts of Esteli. I
took this decision based upon the existence of a local Census from 2001 carried out by the
local government of Condega and Octupitn. In addition, this organisation was eager to
provide logistical support for my fieldwork in Condega. In addition to Condega, following
the advice of Professor Van deer Zee, I also selected districts from Chinandega and Le6n,
departments of the North and Pacific part of the country. A last element related to the
scope of the research is that I decided to focus upon Condega as my main case study for
qualitative research, this was in large part due to the contrasting migration rates to Costa
Rica that I had identified in neighbouring Condegan communities with very similar social
and geographical conditions.
69
-
- -- - - -
Fig ure
3.2:
--
- - - -
Nicaragua. Location of
.
Lean and Esreli.
Selected
Source: 1! IrOM, www.inifom.gob.ni. (1:50,000).
The final sample of the su rvey covered a total of 574 interviews in 37
communi ties of five municipaJjties in th ree departments as illustrated in figure
3.3.
Figure 3.3: Nicaragua. Selected departments information (Size and Population
djstribution , 1995.
Lc6n
Nagarolc
La Paz Ccntro
Chin'd.odcga
Villanucva
Somolillo
5,457
581
606
4,822
779.9
1,089
336,894
28,617
36,410
350,212
27,522
28.204
185,520
16,406
20,390
203,555
6,522
11,531
55. 1
57.3
56.0
58.1
23.7
40.9
151,374
12,2 1!
16,020
146,657
21,000
16,673
44 .9
42.7
44.0
41.9
76.3
59. 1
Source: !NEC, Nic.,agua National Census, 1995 and INfFOM, http: //www.inifom.gob.ni
Pigures 3.4, 3.5 and 3.6 show the geographical locati on of the selected districts in each
department,
70
L._ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
_
___ _
_
__
_ _ _
_
_
Fig ure 3.4: Somotillo
D e a[tment of Chinande a.
and
ViJJan ueva,
Source: IN Ir-OI\ I, w\vw. inifom.gob.ni.
Ad' pted by the .uthoc. ( I :50,000)
of E steli.
Source: IN IFOM,
\V\vw.ini fom.gob.ni. Adapted
b)'
the author. (1:50,000)
71
Figure 3.6: La Paz Centro
Nagarote, D epattment of Leon.
Source:
INIFOJ\l,
and
\V\V\v.inifom.gob.ni.
Adapted by the author. (1:SO,OOO)
3.3.3 Explmllillg the fie/dlJ/ork
After I selected the three deparrments, fi ve municipaliti es and the 37 rural com munities
where the survey wou ld be conducted, the next step I took was to make a final decision on
the main techniques that I would use
to
collect the information in these locations. In the
three departments, the survey's sample covered 574 ho usehold s". I n the case of Condega,
the set of qualitative techniques I decided upon included semi-structured interviews with
returning migrants (ten in total), s with members of th e migrants' families, di vided by
gender and age, as well as a with returned migrants (there were five of these s in to tal);
and, finall y, with the suppOrt of Octupan, we o rganised a community workshop in
Condega with members of the migrant families, some former and current migrants,
members of both grasstoots o rganisations and th e local gove rnment. In the next sectio n 1
describe these sou rces and techniques in more detail.
The thesis is usin g an ope ra tive definition of household, wh ich is the o nc defme by {NEe in Costa
Rica (ww\V. in cc.go.cr). Household is the si ngle person or group of persons that li ve in the same house an that
at U1C moment of the interview has at least six months living within it. Th eir members Li ve there permanen tly.
However, there arc considered members o f th e household s those who for particular reasons arc te mporary
absent by no morc than six mo mh s. In thi s thesis, there is o ne addition, if the person is absent for mo re th an
six month s bue the members of tbe fam ily stiH in contact w itb that pe rso n in such a way that th ey co nside red
d1e migrant as pl1 rt of the household, it is cOll nted like membe r.
18
72
3.3.3.1 The Rural Household Survey
The survey's primary target was twofold, on the one hand, to generate information that
could assess the level of migration in the rural families and, on the other hand, to explore
the causes and dynamics of their seasonal rural migration towards Costa Rica, with
particular attention paid to the expulsion factors. The questionnaire consisted of 102
questions grouped in the following macro items:
a) General characteristic of households units (socio-demographic variables).
b) Migratory experiences of family members.
\
c) Conditions of emigration.
d) Type of insert~
•
in Costa Rica.
e) Benefits and damages of migration.
£) Remittances.
g) . The migration decision making and support to migration.
h) Social networks in Costa Rica.
In relation
to
the sample definition, in the case of Condega it was based on its producers
census of 2001 (3964 units), and in the case of both Chinandega and Lean it was based in
the ICIDRI rural socioeconomic survey (975 units in the first and 635 in the second).
Hence, the survey sample included a total of 574 households of the studied municipalities
as it is showed in the Figure 3.7. The sample was determined at random, with a 3% error
margin and 95% confidence rate. The data collection took four months (March-June
2003). In total, there were 19 households that did not answer the questionnare and were
replaced by new households until the size was completed. When the member of the
household accepted
to
answer the questionnare in all cases the questionnare was
completed with no problem. It was very helpful to work with assistants that new the
communities from before.
73
Figure 3.7: Rural Household Survey, samples by Community,
Municipalityand D epartment.
DEPARTMENT, MUNICIPALITY AND
COMMUNITIES
Total
CHINANDEGA DEPARTMENT
Somotillo Municipality
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
Santa Teresa
Rodeo Grande
La Fragua
Los Limones
LaPavana
El Caimito
Los Balcones
La Flor
Las Mesitas
FREQUENCIES PERCENT
574
180
100.0
31.4
128
22.2
6
14
10
17
9
15
18
17
22
1.0
2.4
1.7
3.0
1.6
2.6
3.1
3.0
3.8
Villanueva Municipality
52
9.2
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
LEON
1
1
5
13
16
1
6
9
0.2
0.2
0.9
2.3
2.8
0.2
1.0
1.6
212
El Obraje
El Pajuil
lifiocuabo
Caiiafistula
Villa Esperanza
Villa Espafia
Villa Alemania
San Marcos 1
DEPARTMENT
LaPazCenuoMunicipality
104
36.9
18.1
El Socorro
La Sabaneta
Amatitlin
Las Chacaras
La Concha
La Union
26
25
17
1
21
14
4.5
4.4
3.0
0.2
3.7
2.4
108
18.8
32
29
2
20
3
1
21
5.6
5.1
0.3
3.5
0.5
0.2
3.7
182
182
31.7
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
Nalf'U"ote Municipality
24. Copaltepe, Nagarote, Lean
25. El GUll)'abal, Nagarote, Leon
26. Mesa Grande, N a.e;arote, Le6n
27. Las Pilas, Nagarote, Lean
28. La Sabaneta, Nagarote, Le6n
29. La Union, Nagarote, Lean
30. San Pablo, Nagarote, Leon
ESTELIDEPARTMENT
Conde"" Municipality
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
Bramadero, Condega, Esteli
Jocote de Arriba, Condega, Esteli
Labranza 2, Condega, Esteli
Rodeo de Pire, Condega, Esteli
San J?se de Pire, Condega, Esteli
Santa Teresa, Condega, Esteli
Venecia, Conciega, Esteli
22
11
59
27
40
12
11
31.7
3.8
1.9
10.3
4.7
7.0
2.1
1.9
At the time of the year when the interviews were done many members were in Costa Rica.
For that reason, the interviews were conducted with the adult person in charge of the
household. As I mentioned before, this database was complemented by the information
from ICIDRI's socio-economic database for the same communities and households
74
covered by my own survey (except for the case of Esteli, where I did both). The variables
that I used from this survey were the following:
a) Main economic activity of the households.
b) Land use in the farm.
c) Type and origin ofland tenure.
d) Family income.
e) Family expenditures.
In terms of data analysis, I used SPSS for basic descriptive statistics as well as some
cortelations and regression with the purpose of finding out the main variables conditioning
migration decision making. In the survey fieldwork, I worked with the collaboration of
Freddy Calero and Jairo Acuna as assistants. They did aproximately half of the interviews
supervised by me. In this part of the research I received insightful suggestions, comments
and advice from Jaap Van Deer Zee from Politechnic University of Nicaragua and Marco
Foumier from the University of Costa Rica.
3.3.3.2 Semi-structured Interviews with Migrants and Experts, and the
Community Workshop
The fieldwork also included 25 semi-structured interviews with experts (Figure 3.8), 8
semi-structured interviews with migrants, and one community workshop (20 persons).
Although the interviews with the experts and migrants were flexible, the quesrions asked
related to the eight macro-issues addressed in the survey questionnaires.
F"19ure 38 : IntervJews Wl·th experts
Activity
Interviews with experts
Lara Putnam, expert in Cultural history, U CR
Juan Carlos Vargas, Anthropologist and
demographer, migration expert CCP-UCR
Cartas Sandoval, expert in cultural studies
Amparo Van Deer Zee, Land Reform expert
Henry Ruiz, commandant of the revolution
Milagros Barahona, expert in migration and
gender
Place
Date
07/11/02
08/11/02
San Jose, Costa Rica
San]ose, Costa Rica
10/11/03
07/01/03
13/01/03
14/01/03
San Jose, Costa Rica
Managua, Nicaragua
Socorro Centeno, Sociologist, researcher on
deveto?ment process
23/01/03
Esteli, Nicaragua
Erick Van Eck, Rural development specialist
30/01/03
04/02/03
05/02/03
Masatepe, Nicaragua
Managua, Nicaragua
05/03/03
Condega, Esteli, Nicaragua
Jaap Van deer Zee, Rural development specialist
Mattha Olivia Gutiettez, sociologist, DCA.
Masatepe, Nicaragua
Managua, Nicaragua
Esteli, Nicaragua
Expert on migration and rural development
Rosa Zavala, Vice-alcaldesa, Condega
75
Ligia Monge, Octup'n, Condega
Martha Cranshaw, Migration expert, Foro
Nacional de !vIigraciones de Nicaragua)
Freddy Calero, Survey assistant, agronomist
Erick Arturo Me1gar O. (20, Immigrant, 1st,
Grade, Second~
Miguel Angel Matey (40, Immigrant, 2'd. Grade,
Primary)
Jose Virgilio 110ntalvan (38, Immigrant, No
formal education)
Gerardo G6mez (33, 6th , Grade, Primary)
Ebert Montalvan 20, 6'h. Grade, Primary)
] airo Acuiia, Survey assistant
Augusto Montalvan (22, Immigrant, 3rd . Grade,
Secondary)
Eduardo Baumeister, Sociologist, expert on
Land Reform and Nicaraguan population
displacements.
Victor Manue! Talavera, Immigrant (44, 2nd ,
Grade, Primary)
Julio C.sar Hem'ndez (46, 4'b. Grade, Primary)
Adilia Eva SoUs, psychologist, expert in
migration
Abelardo Morales, Migration expert, FLACSO
23/03/03
10/0S/03
Condeza, Esteli, Nicaragua
Managua, Nicaragua
12/05/03
06/06/03
Masatepe, Nicaragua
Venecia, Condega, Nicaragua
06/06/03
Venecia, Condega, Nicaragua
07/06/03
Labranza No. 2, Condega, Nicaragua
07/06/03
07/06/03
03/06/03
10/07/03
Labranza No. 2, Condega, Nicaragua
Labranza No. 2, Condega, Nicaragua
Masatepe, Nicaragua
Condega, Nicaragua
19/07/03
Matagalpa
19/07/03
San Jase de Pire, Condega
19/07/03
06/08/03
San Jos. de Pire, Condega
San Jose, Costa Rica
08/08/03
San lose, Costa Rica
The community workshop was different because the main objectives of the activity were a.
to open an space for reflection about the main causes, characteristics and balance of the
rural migration from Condega to Costa Rica, and b. to think about possible policies and
alternatives to migration. This activity was organised with the support of Octupan and the
idea was to involve representatives of the local government, social grassroots and members
of households with migration to Costa Rica. It is important to remark that, although this
was a community with a high rate of migration, until that moment there were no
organisation or policy related to the phenomenon.
In terms of the workshop methodology, first, we started presenting the video 'Desde el
barro al Sur', a documentary made by two Nicaraguan mm producers that relates the
experience of four women that have migrated from Nicaragua to Costa Rica. This was a
very interesting documentary because it had a sort of transnational perspective, narrating
the situation in the recipient country, the country of origin and the situation of the
migrant. The video created a emotional atmosphere because many of the people that were
participating in the workshop were migrants in some moment or had relatives that have
migrated or were in Costa Rica in that moment. They felt a strong identification with the
situation of the migrants (their vulnerability, their sadness, their nostalgic feellings about
their families in Nicaragua and so on). At the end of this moment, we introduced the
76
question why they were interested to participate in this workshop and the main answer was
that they were interested to find out a solution to this problem, meaning by that to have to
migrate to Costa Rica.
After the first moment, the group opened a general discussion about the main causes of
migration. It was interesting that a key historical element the participants pointed out was
the political and economic changes that happened with the end of the revolutionary
process in 1990, particularly the closure of the sugar plantations and refinery that the State
had in Esteli and was close at the beginning of that decade. That refinery was a significant.
source of extra-income for many people of Condega, that use to work there as seasonal
workers, very similar to the seasonal work they started to do in Costa Rica in the 1990s.
Apart of the historical side of the process, many of the participants mentioned the lack of
support of the State to the rural world and the growing unemployment that is increasing
the economic and social vulnerability of a great number of households of the region. At
this monient, it was clear that seasonal migration to Costa Rica became a part of a survival
strategy for rural households in Condega.
The third moment of the workshop was dedicated to proposals. This part of the workshop
was worked out in groups that discussed the following items, what to do in the local level,
what to do in the local government, what to do in the national level and what to do in
Costa Rica in relation to migrant organisation, economic and legal aspects, as well as
communication. Figure 3.9 includes more detailed information about all fieldwork
activities,
Figure 3.9: Date and information of the semi-structured interviews and community
worksho .
A~tivy
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
Date
Place
06/06/03
06/06/03
07/06/03
07/06/03
19/07/03
19/07/03
19/07/03
20/07/03
Venecia, Conde
Venecia, Conde a, Nicara a
Labranza No2, Conde a, Nicara
Labranza N 02, Conde , Nicara
19/05/03
Conde , Nicara
a
San
, Nkara a
a
77
In Figure 3.10 I synthesise the main components of the methodological strategy adopted
for the thesis, including the research questions, the levels of analysis, the main sources and
the main techniques,
Figure 3.10: Scales and levels of analysis for the study of migrant transnational
spaces between Nicaragua and Costa Rica.
RESEARCH QUESTION
LEVEL OF
MAIN SOURCES
MAIN
ANALYSIS
OF
TECHNIQUES
INFORMATION
1.
Historical
Macro-regional:
.
Mainly secondary
- Discourse analysis
Migratio
19
production
of
International
and
based in the main
n
sources
migration
internal
factors
concepts
of the
- Databases from
producti
dynamics
that transfonn the
theoretical
ECLAC,
SICA
and
on
within the
styles of
framework
Central Banks from
region and
between
Nicaragua
consequences in
and Costa
relation to
Rica
migration
dynamics bet\Veen
development and
their
Nicaragua and Costa
Rica.
the two countries
2. Style of
Development
and
migration
dynamics
between
Nicaragua
and Costa
Rica since
Bi-national: Main
changes in
development and
migration
dynamics, with
particular focus in
rural migration.
- Secondary sources
- Primary sources,
like expert
interviews, use of
official census data
as well as official
households surveys
from both Nicaragua
and Costa Rica
.
Discourse
analysis
.
Descriptive
analysis
1990 until
Main
character
istics of
rural
migratio
n
2003
3. Rural
migration
from Le6n,
Chinandega
and Esteli to
Costa Rica
Local: Rural
- Primary source:
migration
dynamics and
characteristics of
this migration.
Survey to 574 rural
households from
Le6n, Chlnandega
and Esteli.
- Semi-strucrnred
interviews with
experts.
- Quantitative
analysis including
descriptive analysis,
correlations and
regressions.
- Discourse analysis.
3.3.4 Final reflection about thefieldwork
I mentioned before how my original design changed when the opportunity of doing a
survey appeared. However, it is also important to highlight some of the problems and
difficulties that I confronted in the interaction with the household members and the
migrants that I interviewed. In general terms, I had no problems in conducting the
interviews (it was admitedly a long questionnaire, it required at least an hour of attention of
the interviewee) in Chinandega and Le6n because I was working with families that had
Secondary sources: Academic documents, Instirntional documents. NGOs and grassroots
organisation documents.
19
78
been part of the sample of the socioeconomic survey and they were familiar with my
assistants. However, the case of Condega was different because it was the first time the
migrants or others members had contact with me. The fact that I was coming from Costa
Rica to research about migration and that I was asking personal information sounded very
suspicious to the peasants that were invited to participate in the first. So, they asked dofia
Carmencita, who was helping me with the contacts for the fieldwork in the communities of
Condega, to arrange a preliminary meeting to clarify their doubts.
We had the meeting and I was able to convince them that I was not working for the
Immigration Department in Costa Rica and that the information that I was going to collect
was not going to be used against them in their seasonal visits to the neighbouring country.
I have to mention here that a key factor in overcoming their initial and strong distrust was
the fact that I was born in Nicaragua and that my accent was not totally tico (Costa Rican).
By the end of the process we were joking about the misunderstanding, but the experience
make me question what would have happened if I were only Costa Rican? This experience
confirmed for me the importance of the cultural dimensions in this kind of research, there
are many complex issues that must be taken into account in conducting research into
migration particularly with a population that normally works and lives in very vulnerable
situations.
The other experience was totally different, it was more related to the role of international
development agencies and NGOs that work in Nicaragua. In the three departments I
found situations in which the interviewee asked what kind of direct aid they were going to
receive through their participation or, at the other extreme, they expressed that they were
tired of people coming to make surveys and promising aid only for nothing to happen and
they continue living in poverty. My only answer to those attitudes was to clarify that I was
not working with N GOs or International Cooperation Agencies, but that I had a personal
commitment to use the research to publicise information about the reality of Nicaraguan
rural migrants in Costa Rica and in that way to try to influence Nicaraguan and Costa
Rican authorities and social networks that work on migration in both countries.
79
CHAPTER 4: The Central America context. The geo-historical
production of· a Transnational Social Space hegemonised by the
United States.
The main purposes of this chapter are, on the one hand, to frame Nicaraguan migration
towards Costa Rica as a part of a wider regional context, namely Central America, and, on
the other hand, to explain how this region has been produced as a transnational social
space in which human migration is a core element. In this macro-scale'° analysis the long
term geo-historical transformations that, in different levels, have occurred in the region are
explained. Although the focus of this thesis is not the long-duree causes of current
migration, making some reference to a foundational moment of the regional order in which
present migrations are is unavoidable. This key moment started at the end of the second
half of the 19'h century, when the United States became the hegemonic power in the whole
Caribbean Basin, and transformed the Caribbean Basin into a U.S. 'Mediterranean' sea and
the Central American countries into a U.S. 'backyard'. Since then, the United States' geopolitical, economic, and cultural weight has cast a shadow upon this small region and has
had a determinant influence upon its orientation. The role of the United States is hence a
key element in explaining what Central America has achieved in terms of development, but
also what it has not. The US' overwhelming presence has been a powerful structuring force
of the dependent and uneven geographical development of the region right up to present
days.
The U.S. imperial influence in Central America has relied on three main interwoven
dimensions: the first is what could be named the geopolitical side of imperialism, meaning
the diplomatic, political and military strategies invoked and used by any great power (in this
case, the U.S.) to guarantee domination· and control within and beyond the state
boundaries. This dimension includes the rivalry with other global or regional powers with
global aspirations for access to and the control of particular geographical spaces. In general
terms, geopolitics is an attribute of great or regional powers that does not take into account
the history, needs and interests of the population of the countries upon which they exert
control and domination (Agnew and Corbridge, 1995; Harvey, 2003; Taylor, 1994; Sandner,
1990).
20
Although in this scale only the US-Central American region is included, it is important to note that
in US geopolitical terms the Central American countries belong to a wider region, namely the Great
Caribbean Basin.
80
--
--
-------------------
The second element is the symbolic and cultural dimension of any imperial enterprise and
its correspondent narratives and politics of representation. This level is related to how ideas
of 'We' and 'Others' are imagined, constructed and projected from the imperial power's
perspective and how these views legitimise a set of imperial practices towards peripheral
regions or countries.2' This is a fundamental dimension for the jusrification of the formal or informal- expansion of any imperial power, as well as for the legitimisation of control
and domination of peripheral regions or countries. As pointed out by Slater (1999):
'(a)n expansion of spatial power, or the establishment of a new spatial-political order ...
needs a justification, a principle of legitimacy, an ensemble of ideas and concepts that
can provide a moral and cultural foundation. Furthermore, in the context of relations
with other societies, and specific;illy in the Americas, remembering Jefferson's notion
of the United States having 'a hemisphere to itself, the construction of a geopolitical
identity included the positing of difference as inferiority and danger. The outside world
contained threats to security and to the diffusion of mission .. .' (Slater, 1999: 65-66)
The construction of the 'Other' is particularly important in tenns of political culture and
institutional policies (the immigrants are the 'Others' per excellence) contributing to
explanations not only of the orientation and content of 'gates' and 'bridges' (immigration
policies) in both the host and original societies, but beyond that, of the political and
economic orientation of a whole society as can be seen in the Central American experience.
The third and last component of this triad is the economic side of imperialism?' This
involves two 'organically-related' processes:
On the one hand, there is the process of capital accumulation which we can conceive of as
' ... a diffuse political-economic process in space and time in which command over and
use of capital takes primacy' (Harvey, 2003: 26).
In contemporary times, this process has been characterised by Harvey as a process of
accumulation by dispossession which is particularly significant, but not exclusive to the
21
As explained by Slater (1999), there are some recurrent stereotypes that are produced in the core
powers to legitimise their practices of domination and control, including the portrait of 'Others' as a threat, or
as a 'child' that has to be looked after, or as 'primitive' or 'savage' countries that should be civilised;among
others.
22
In a very basic definition, Irnperalism is', .. the creation and maintenance of an unequal economic,
cultural and territorial relationship usually between States and often in the fonn of an empire, based on
domination and subordination.' Oohnston et 01, 2001: 375).
81
peripheral regions. This concept is a reformulation of Marx's 'primitive accumulation' and
it embraces:
' ... the commodification and privatisation of land and the forceful expulsion of peasant
populations; the conversion of various forms of property rights (common, collective,
state, etc.) into exclusive private property rights; the suppression of rights to the
commons; the commodification of labour power and the suppression of alternative
(indigenous) forms of production and consumption; colonial, neo-colonial, and
imperial processes of appropriation of assets (including natural resources); the
monetisation of exchange and taxation, particularly of land; the slave trade; and usury,
the national debt, and ultimately the credit system as radical means of primitive
accumulation (Harvey, 2003: 145)
As discussed by Harvey, at the present time some of the traditional mechanisms of
accumulation have been fine-tuned to play a stronger role than in the past," but new
mechanisms have also been opened up, particulatly intellectual property rights as a key
component of 'free trade' promotion by core countries in peripheral regions (Harvey, 2003:
145-146). This is particularly important in a region like Central America which has been
part of a 'free trade' based framework, the Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI, prompted by
Reagan in 1983) with the United States and is now close to signing up a new 'Free Trade'
Agreement with the same country.
On the other hand, there are the legal and political dimensions" that frame and facilitate
the process of capital accumulation. Hence, if transnarional enterprises are key socioeconomic agents in the age of transnational and global imperialism, the application of
Neoliberal economic policies, structural adjustment programs and free-trade agreements
influenced by the 'Washington Consensus,25 also contributed to the process of
For example, accumulation by dispossession could include privatisation of public enterprises and the
external debt payment in the Third World (Harvey, 2003: 67).
24 In some Marxist discourse this could be considered part of the 'super-structure' that embraces the political
23
and legal elements that facilitate the accumulation of capital.
The term Washington Consensus is an expression coined by John Williamson and includes not only the
policies of the US government, but all those institutions and netw'orks of opinion leaders centred in the
world's de facto capital-the IMF, World Bank, think-tanks, politically sophisticated investment bankers, and
worldly finance ministers, all those who meet each other in Washington and collectively define the
conventional wisdom of the moment. Using the same lines, Cypher indicates that the term "Washington
Consensus" has served to 'encapsulate the crystallisation of a paradigmatic shift in economic policy making
regarding Latin America. The intellectual impetus behind the consensus view clearly flowed from
Washington, the locus of the U.S. Treasury, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank. Equally
important, the consensus encompassed key Latin American business elites and functionaries of the state
apparatuses. Transnational corporations, particularly in the financial realm, used their extensive influence to
consolidate a policy that promised to open virtually all areas of the Latin American economies to foreign
investment and unrestrained financial flows across borders, including fluid repatriations of profits. Leading
orthodox economists both in the United States and throughout Latin America urged deregulation of capital
markets, free exchanges rates, privatisation of para-state firms, and "flexible" labour markets' (Cypher, 1998:
25
47).
82
accumulation of capital by way of eliminating or minimising any possible obstacles
In
peripheral countries.
These three dimensions are developed by different agents and respond to different
rationales, timings and logics of power, and for that reason they could differ or eventually
oppose each other, but in the long run they tend to work within the same strategic frame:
that of the hegemonic core state interests.
In Central America these three components have been interwoven with effective
coordination allowing the U.S. to keep a significant level of control in the orientation of the
region at least since the beginning of the 20'h century. For the Central American states and
societies, U.S. control has implied the deepening of uneven geographical development
patterns expressed in the growing transnationalisation of production, consumption and
trade processes, as well as a significant social polarisation and, in most cases, massive
wealth concentration. The other side of such concentration is both symbolic26 and.
materiaf' concentration of opportunities that in the long term have configured the region
as a transnational social space that includes a wide range of migration forms including:
extra-regional or South-North emigration from all the countries of the region (with no
exception) towards the United States and intra-regional migration, such as the particularly
important North-South oriented Nicaraguan emigration towards Costa Rica.
The next sections of this chapter explain how the region was produced as a geopolitical
unit and transnational social space under the hegemony of the United States. This regional
dynamic plays a determinant role in understanding current regional and extra-regional
migration trends and the position of the different countries in relation to these human
displacements and dynamics in the period 1900-2000.
4.1. The production of Central America as part of the U.S. geopolitical
sphere ofinfluence in the Caribbean basin
There is a wide consensus among scholars that the period 1890-1930 was the period when
the United States emerged as an important player on the global stage (Lafeber, 1993;
Randall and Mount, 1998; Taylor, 1994; Agnew, 1995; Slater, 2004). The new U.S. position
This makes reference to the access to services and goods such as education, information,
communication, culture, leisure and so on.
26
27
This makes reference to goods such as food, housing, fresh water, land, capital goods, and services
such as health systems.
83
was an outcome of several different factors: the end of the Civil War (1876) and a
subsequent economic and technological push; a military expansion based upon both a
racist view of their internal an external 'Others' and a supposed 'Anglo-Saxon' superiority,
a political will and power to make effective the 'Manifest Destiny', the Monroe Doctrine28
and the Roosevelt corollary"
The combination of these factors created a distinctive new form of U.S. imperialism that
was 'naturally' projected upon the Caribbean Sea which was conceived as an 'internal sea',
Central America as their 'backyard', and even beyond in the Pacific Ocean with the control
of the Philippines and Hawaii in 1898 (see Figures 17 and 18). As is pointed by Healy:
'The role of the United States in contemporary imperialist activiry began in the 1890's
and had largely run its course by the end of the First World War. Reflected in the
1890's by a growing national bellicosiry and a heightened interest in an isthmian canal
and in Pacific islands like Samoa and Hawaii, the new American expansionism reached
full flood with the Spanish-American War, the acquisition of the Philippines, Puerto
Rico and Hawaii, and the creation of a protectorate over Cuba. The years from 1900 to
1920 witnessed the erection of protectorates rather than formal colonies, as a Panama,
Haiti, the Dominican Republic, and other Caribbean areas came under a greater or
lesser degree of control by the United States".' (Healy, 1967: 9-10).
The new regional order was built up with a combination of military coercion and economic
control. A brief recounting of the different mechanisms of economic control and coercion
used by the United States in the region in this period includes the following:
Direct intervention of US troops: Cuba (1898-1902, 1906-1909,1912,1917-1922); Haiti
(1915-34); Nicaragua (1909-10, 1912-25, 1926-33), Honduras (1924-25).
Territorial annexations, leasing and other forms of territorial control: Puerto Rico
(annexed in 1898); Virgin Islands (annexed in 1917); Panama (Canal from 1903 until
2000); Nicaragua (Chamorro-Bryan treaty signed under military occupation in 1914-16,
it conceded to the US the leasing of the Corn Islands (1914-7), a perpetual concession
to build a new interoceanic canal, and permission to build a naval base in the Gulf of
Fonseca); Colombia Oost of the Province of Panama in 1903); Cuba (the Guantanamo
Bay, 1902-?).
28
A doctrine formulated by US PresidentJames Monroe in 1823 that could be summarised in the
expression 'America for the Americans', In this context, America could mean both the American continent,
and the United States and it was a message directed to the European imperial powers.
29
This corollary was a reformulation that US President Theodore Roosevelt made of the almost one-
century-old Monroe Doctrine in 1904. This corollary stated that in keeping with the Monroe Doctrine the
United States was justified in exercising 'international police power' to put an end to chronic unrest or
wrongdoing in the Western Hemisphere in order to avoid future interventions of European countries.
84
Direct mechani sms of economic and poutical control:'" Dominican Repubuc (19051941 ), Haiti (financial supervision, 1916-1941) Nicaragua (financial supw'ision, 191124), Cuba (Platt Amendment, 1902-1934)
Although other mechanisms were informal, this does not mean that they were less
effective, for example assuring the appointment of docile and corrupt politicians or
dictators in governments to guarantee 'order' and/or respect for US citizens' investments
and properties
(Lafeber, 1993; Schoulstz, 1998; Randall and Mount, 1998; Gilderhus,
2000).
Figure 4.1: Ptincipal limits o f the U.S. maritime Interests in the early
twentieth centu ries.
Source: Hall and Brignoli, 2003: 42.
30
The name of this figure in those times was 'financial supervision' but it meant that US
rep resen tatives were directly in charge of the administration of customs and taxation as weU as the financial
management of the country. The justification of this US policy was part of tbe Roosevclt corollary: the
corruption and mismanagement of the Caribbean countries were pmmoting sodaJ unrest, but also these
countries were not fulfilling their international duties (debt payment) and hence were giving eXClIses
European powers
[Q
to
intervene in the region something that the US was not eager to accept anymo rc.
85
Fi ure 4.2: The United States and the World from 1898 I-I all and Bri noW .
'$
" "
f :~;
'
~l,
•
J ~Il
.~
~IS
~ ~2
IS '9' _
,s .g ....
0,,0,""
,
I
• •
o
untied S tQICS cl Amen.;: ....
U S QllCfscas 18Hilor y
I~Q"
i rld
bolore 1898
Il!IrilO1y
U S O\'efSC8~
3CQUlled 18 9 8 and Oltel'
OVC1~IS
territory stili
belong"", to IhI! U S
THE
STATES AND
THE ''''vMCU FROM 1898
Source: !-IalJ and I3rignoli, 2003.
4.1.1 Tbe m /lural prelllises of US i1lJpClia/ expaJlSioll ;11 /be Cmibbeall alld Cell/ml A IIIClica
Tbe culrura.1 premises of the US interventi ons in both tbe Caribbean and Central America
were based upon a set of three lo ng-term core ideas. T be first one is a co nceptio n o f
mi ssion based on ti,e self-perception o f national g reatness co upled Witll the promo ti o n o f
freedom. Tbus, their revolution sbo uld be replicated o r copied by other countries. As is
pointed out by Gilderhus, from this perspective
Ithe advancement o f U.S. id eals and interests simultaneously served th e well-being of
other peoples by expanding the areas of freedom and enterp rise.' (2000: 7)
A second core idea is U.S. conservati sm in me sense that ti, e US revere meir own
revolution bu t distrusr any other process of soci al change, particularly if the changes are
perceived as radical. l n tbis case, the most impo rtant element is the U .S.' deeply-beld belief
in the sacredness o f p rivate property (equated as freedom) in any part o f the wo rld . T his
helps to explain their negative and aggressive attitude and actio ns towards o tber revolutio ns
in me 20,h century, namely me Mexican, the Russian, the Chinese, the Cuban, and tbe
N icaraguan revolutions.
86
-
-
- - - -
-
- - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - - - - - - -
The thitd core idea is the U.S. sense of ethnic supenonty, a 'colour consciousness'
expressed in a racial hierarchy in which the white Anglo-Americans are on tOp: 'the whiter,
the better' (Gilderhus, 2000: 7). In general terms, most of the stereo types about Latinos
originated in the time of the Mexican war and were reinforced with the defeat of
'uncivilised' Spain in the war of 1898. The logic of the U.S. government was that if d,e
Spanish colonisers were barbarians, they could not expect anything else from their former
colonies. Among other stereotypes, the U.S. politicians, entrepreneurs and militalY men
constructed d,eir backyard 'Others' as lazy, disorganised and conllictive peoples not able to
fulfil their obligations with foreign powers, creating conditions that could lead to European
military incursions or financial control. Furthermore, these countries not only required U.S.
intervention to free them of potential European incursions, but also to bring order and
progress to their own people.
There was an important geopolitical reason underlying this rationale. At the end of the 19'h
centuty European powers we re intervening in some Caribbean and Central American
countries (Venezuela, D om inican Repu blic, Nicaragua, Honduras) . The U.s. governments
of the time perce.ived this situation as a potential threat to the consolidation of their
hegemo ny in a region that, after the beginning of th e construction of the US Canal in
Panama in 1903, was gaining even more strategic relevance. Hence to secure the canal,
ensure investmen ts, act as a 'natura l protector', and, to replace th e decljning British
presence, in 1904 President Theodore Roosevelt reformul ated d,e i'vlanifest D estiny
through a Corollaty" that basically infers that the United States would act as the
hemisphetic 'civili zatoty force' and as a policeman when any country of the region was not
acting in a civilised mode. As Roosevelt told the Congress in the annual message that
contained the Corollary:
'... h is our duty to remember that a nation has no more right to do injustice to
another nation, stro ng o r weak, than an individual has to do injustice to another
individual; that the same moral law applies in one case as in the other. But we must
also remember that it is as much the duty of the Nation to gua rd its own rig hts and its
own interests as it is the duty of the individual so to do ... But in international law we
have not advanced by any means as far as we have advanced in municipal law. There is
as yet no judicial way of enforcing a right in international law ... Therefore it foHows
that a self-respecting, JUSt, and far-seeing nation should on the o ne hand endeavour by
every means to aid in the deve.lopment of the various movements which tend to
provide substitutes for war, wh.ich tend to render nations in their ac tio ns towa.rd one
another, and indeed toward their own peoples, more responsive to the general
sentiment of human and civiJized mankid~
and on the other hand that it should keep
II
I t is known as RooscveJr CoroUary.
87
prepared, while scrupulously avoiding wrongdoing itself, to repel any wrong, and in
exceptional cases to take actio n which in a mo re advanced stage o f international
relations would come under the head of the exerdse of the i_nrernatio nal poUce. A
great free people owes it to itself and to all mankind not to sink into helplessness
before cl" powers of evil .. .' (Holden and Zolov, 2000: 101)
After that he concl uded,
All that this country32 des ires is ro see the neighbouring countries stable, o rderly,
and prosperous. Any country whose people conduct themselves well can count upon
ou r hearty friend ship. If a nation shows thar it knows how to act with reasonable
effidency and decency in social and po Utical matters, if it keeps o rder and pays its
o bligations, it need fear no interference from the United Smtes. Chronic wrong-do ing,
or an impotence which results in a general loosening of the ties o f civili zed society,
may in America, as elsewhere, ultimately require intervention by some civilized natio n,
and in the Western Hemisphere the adherence of the United States to the Monroe
D octrine may fo rce the United States, however reluctantly, in fl agrant cases o f such
wro ngdoing o r incompetence, to the exercise of an i.nternationru po ljce power ... Our
interests and tllose of our southern neighbours are in reaUty identical ... ' (Ho lden and
Zolov, 2000: 101-102)
The central message o f thi s statement was twofold , on the one hand , to project the United
States as the 'cjvilizatol)l force' in the American continent and , on the other hand, to allow
the United States to intervene in Latin American and Caribbean countries when they
considered that the mi sgovernment of these countries mighr justify an external (Eu ropean)
inrervention. In that sense, President T. Roosevelr was rew ri ting the original spi ri t o f the
Mo moe D octrine which was ro protect the American countries from European em pires
but not to intervene within them. As is pointed out by Lafeber,
' ... this Corollary meant mo re th an merel y makjng war fo r peace. It exempli fied North
American disdain for people who apparentl y wanted to wage revo lts instead of
working soUd ten-hour days on the farm. Rooseve!t saw such peo pJe as "small bandh
nests o f a wicked and ineffident type", and to U.S. Progressives such as T.R., the only
sin greater than inefficiency was instability.' (1993: 38)
Hence, the main implications of the projection of the Unired States as 'the civilised force'
in the Americas was that the US reserved for itself 1) rhe right to decide if others were or
were not acting in a civilised manner, and 2) the ' right' and the 'duty' to intervene in any
neighbouring countries they had decided were no t acting appropriately. Since then, these
two coroUaries have been a constant within US fo reign po licy tOwards Central America. In
the period of the construction of the Panama canal, Nicaragua and Panama were the
He is
t~lkin
g
about the United States.
88
Central American co untries where thi s policy was applied to its extreme. l n the case of
Nica ragua, it was reflected in the infamous Knox
I
ote, in which the U.S. Secretary of State
practically ordered President Zelaya to resign fto m the Nicaragua presidency. T he cause of
this request was that Zelaya would not accept that the Panama canal would be the o nly
trans-i sthmian canal to be constructed. This was interpreted by the US as a threat to their
Na tional Security. In a private letter of 1905, Root drew the lesso n:
'The inevitab le effect of our building the Canal must be to require us to police the
surround ing premi ses. In the nature of things) trade and con tro l, and the obliga tio ns to
keep order which go with them, must come our way.' ... (Lafeber, 1993: 37)
These words were written in stone: in the future the U.S. was not going to accept the right
of the indigenous popuilation of Central America to decide about thei r own fu ture o r to
make any noise o r to disturb what the U.S. governments considered their own backyard.
Hi story has shown that U.S. powet would be exerted with ei ther carrots o r bullets to
impose a funcrional o rder, above and wo rst of all, with total neglect of the wishes and
thoughts of the Central American peopl e about their own destiny and development.
4.1. 2 Celltra! A Jllelica as ptllt of the U.S. Backyclld (1/ tbe Cmibbeall Basill
Renouvin and DuroseDe point out that any state or region with a geography crossed by a
'natural' transit route, if it is strong eno ugh, cou ld be transformed into an attracring fo rce, a
pivotal element that could contribute to consolidate the nation-state o r the region'S
development. However, if the transit route is located in a weak country or region, it could
be tra nsform ed into the route o f invasion o r into an excuse to ju stify invasio n from mo re
powerfuil countries, in the process transforming a 'natural ' gift into a geopolitical 'curse'.
The 'gifted' COuntlY could become a victim of its own geographical 'exuberance' (2000: 26).
This was the case for the Central American co untri es, particu larly for both N icaragua and
Panama, countries deeply marked by the geopolitical designs of great powers and their
exercise of territorial and maritime dominarion throughout different periods in the regio n's
history. The interests of the great powers du ring this period were not, therefore, mainly
orienred towards the natural wealth of the regio n which, in comparative terms, was modesr
in relation to the rest of the regions that had been colonised at that time in o ther parrs of
the American, African and Asia conrinents. lnstead, the main interests of those powers in
the Central American region were both its strategic geographical locarion and its great
potential for the co nstruction of a 'path between th e seas' (McCullough, 1977). The control
89
of the canal rOute and its access routes in the Caribbean basin were the main factors behind
the strong competition between contending impe rial powers. As is pointed by Langley,
'In Central America the competition genemted by productionism from about 1850
to 1930 occurred on two levels: first, between U.S. firm s trying to gain access to
Central American raw materials, land and labou r (mosrly private firms) and the
communications routes (bo th private and government co mpetitio n); second,
between governm ents and firm s o f different nations. Central Am erica, only
marginall y valued for its resources, was im portant to any natio n wi shing to enter the
Paci fic Basin. Sin ce all industrial, free marker po wers eyed at leas t some part of tha t
vast domain, the isrl1mus attracted their attention .' (1995: "1 0)
The rivaLry was not only amongst the g reat powers but also amongst the countries within
the regio n. In mo re rloan one case, they were in conflict, divided and playing the 'game' of
the impe rial countries interests with the purpose o f being chosen as 'regional partners'.
This behav iour was one o f rI,e factors that contributed to rI,e end of regional integration in
that p eri od of their history and some of the curren t bo rd er conflicts and diffe rences that
still exist between the Central American countries are an inheri tance of these geop olitical
divisions and games (Sohr, 1988: 12; Sandner, 2003). In relation of the origin of the US'
geopolitical thinking, Foucher indicates that
'As earl y as 1897, Alfred Mahan was the firsr geopolitician of the United States to
compare the maritime stretches of the Gulf of Mexico and of the Caribbean Sea to
those of the Mediterranean of the Old World in his article 'The Strategic Features of
the Gu lf of Mexico and the Caribbean Sea'. I-ijs principal interes t was in crcating a sct
o f new Gibraltars. He hoped to persuade his compatri ots to come Out of their
iso latio nism by agreeing to make the effort of co nstructing a naval fleet and bases. In
the context o f th e debate over th e Uni ted States' takeover o f the construction works
o f th e Panama Canal, he tried to show that this venture wou ld be a strategic failure if
the United States did not at th e same time ensure the control of maritime gateways in
the \Xlest Indies thro ugh the constructio n of nava l base. It is known that his theories
were adopted by president Theodore Roosevelt ... It is to Admiral Mahan mat the
Uni ted States owes the Panama Canal, the c reatio n o f naval bases (in Puerto Rko, the
Bahamas, Guantanamo Bay in Cuba, me Virgin Islands - bought from the Dutch in
1917), the appropriation of Hawaii and later the justification of the 'containment'
theory, which is an elaborated form of naval blockade.' (1987: 108-109)
90
Fi ure 4.3: Central America distances.
an.a. CIrQI ~
l' om~CIty
~
'
MILES in bIW;
KI..OMETER6 in ,ed
Source: Halt and Brignoli. 2003.
Figu re 4.3 gives a geographical idea of the straregic importance (in di srance sho rtening) of a
potential Central American canal to interconnect d,e A dantic and the P acific oceans and
regions in economic and geopoli tical rerm s at the begin ning of the 20,h century. 1t is in this
period when the Uni ted Srared openly mani fested d,eir self-appointed 'right' and 'duty' to
police the region and to intervene in any countt)' in d,e region if they considered it
necessary to guara ntee their national securi ty.,}3
A fter consolidating th eir presence in the whole region (1900-1930), d,e U.S. governments
turned their attention towards creating, training and suppo rting, in ideological, military and
economi c term s, Natio nal Guards in most of the Central A merican co untries and th e
D o minican Republic and H aiti. These arm ies we re a SOrt o f U.S. 'beach head,' mo re loyal
to 'Uncle Sam's geopolitical and eco nomic interests rh an to rheir own national srares." The
presence of thi s military corps aUowed fo r the withdrawal of U.S. troops and a fo rmal
change of U.S. fo reign policy afrer the 1930s, which shifted from the 'Big Stick' to the
'Good Neighbour' of FD. Roosevelt. However, as is pointed out by Perez Brignoli , in th e
This is very similar to the co ncept of the co ntempora ry O.S. doctrin e of the use of preve ntive force.
In the conventio nal tradition, the main purpose of national armies is co guarantee the national
defence from external threats, but in Central Americ a the national armi es were mainl y used to control and
repress the inte rnal popUlation.
33
34
91
Central American case the Pax Americana after the U.S. withdrawal was guaranteed by a set
of dictators: A. Somoza in Nicaragua, J. Ubico in Guatemala, T. Carias in Honduras and M.
I-Iemandez in E l Salvador (perez Brignoli, 1985: 131; Hall and Perez Brignoli, 2003: 224).
In the long term, the U.S. trained National Guards were to form the basis for the
consolidation of au thoritarian regimes in the region.
A significant feature of this regional order was the rlifferentiated position that the
hegemonic power defined for each of the countries at di ffe rent junctures; roles tha t
frequently were assumed witll gusto by the Central American power eli tes. However,
because of their geographical position, the importance of local U.S. investments or their
relations with ti,e Empire some countries have suffered from the geopolitical interventions
and actions of ti,e great power to the North mo re than otl,ers. 1n fact, fo r a long time, th e
two countries that suffered most were Panama and Nicaragua. In ti,e case of the former,
the country was con figured as a virtual protectorate through the Canal Zone's permanent
mili tari zation, a process that lasted until the velY end of the 20'" century. In ti,e case of the
latter, ti,e country was transformed into an info rmal protec to rate, which included both
militalY intervention and financial supervision during th e period 1912-1933 (see Figure 4.4).
After 1936, the US gave militalY, economic and political support to Somoza's dictato rship
which lasted until 1979. Under the rule of ti,e Somoza dynasty Nicaragua became a key
piece in th e US geopolitical strategy for the Caribbean Basin, particularly in the second half
of the 20"' centuty. 35
35
U.S. governme nts were not concerned abou t the human [jghts situation of the N icaraguan
population until the Ca rter Administration. The lack of military and political suppOrt of the Carter
administra tion to Somoza was onc of the factors tbat explained the popular overthrown of th e bloody
dictatorship. One anecdote that illuswltes the way of thinking of U.S. politicians about Somoza was expressed
in president T.H. Rooscvelt's comment abou t the dictator: 'Somoza may be a son of a bitch, but he's our son
of a bitch . . ..'. Excerpted from: hrtp:!/home.iprimus.com.au/korob/fdtcards/CenrmIAmerica.html
92
Fi
re 4.4: U.S. Interve ntions in the CaribbC!l.n B!l.sin. 1846-1936.
U. S. A.
_
c::J
...
•
u .s , ~
Cwnl . yoecupied by U.S.
MalO< us, moIoWy i<1 I(01' Yf1n1ion
us naval presenee
Base leased by IIMI us.
C"yor lown
us. INTERVENTION, 1846- 1936
,)
-
•..
•
•
So urce: Hall and Btignoli. 2004 : 209.
93
Thcsis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 94
U.S. geopolitics in the regio n have pursued one strategic objective: to guarantee at any price
what they consider their National security and in terests. The content of these interests has
changed througho ut rime, as well as their concep tualisation of the d, reat. However, there
have been some long-term regularities to U.S. actions in d,e region. For example, they have
perceived any social transfo rmatio n in d,e Central American countries as a potential danger
for th eir interests and they have acted in consequence, undermining, sabotagi ng and
confro nting any reformi st or revolutio na'1' intent with the only exception of th e Costa
Rica n experience in the second part of the 20,h centu'1'. Any actio n generates a reaction and
the responses and positions in relation to the U.S.' geopo li tical design in Central Ameri ca
have been diverse, moving from the unconditio nal support of 'co mprador' Or power eli tes
(Langley and Schoonover, 1995: 22), passing th ro ugh di ffe rent fo rms of compromised o r
negotiated positions before reaching open resistance and military co nfrontatio n to the U.S.
presence or actions in the region. As a lo ng-term balance, the dominant historical trends
have tended to be in favour of d,e U.S.' geopoli tical and economic interests.
4. 1.3 The IrallfjiJrl)f(t/ioll of Celllral A
lIIC,./C(I lillo 73tlll(lI/a
Replllllics' (1900-1930)
The analysis of the Central American insertion into the World -Eco no my since d,e Spanish
conquest could be characteri sed as an accumulative process o f growing dependency. Wave
after wave of economic reinsertion with different products did not change the fact dlat
within the World-economy's international division of labour d, ey were raw-material
producers. In d,e second half of the 19'h century, co ffee became the main export product
and, in fact, remained d,e most significant over a long period th at lasted until the 20,h
centll'1'. Commercial productio n started in the 1830s in Costa Rica, aldoough its regular
exportation was only consolidated in th e 1840s. Guatemala and El Salvado r started their
expo rtation in the 1850s and Nicaragua later in the 1870s. A t d, e end of th e century most
of d, e Central A merican co untries (widl d,e exception of H onduras) were producing and
exporti ng coffee. Their main destinies were Britain and d,e East coast of the United States.
In 1913 coffee represented 63% o f the total exportS fol.lowed by bananas with almost 20%
(forres Rivas, 1980). The expansion of coffee production transfo rmed the region du ring
d,e 19'h centu ry in bo th its external relatio ns and internal social relations. I n d, e case of the
latter, the product increased the level of depend ency to the central coun tri es th ro ugho ut
rlifferent mechani sms, inclurling the fo reign contro l of:
Productive credit (and hence debt),
The coffee processing plants (beneficio s)
Thcsi,;_ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 95
Commercialisation through large commercial houses
Means of rransportation (particularly railroads)
In relation ro the internal transformations, coffee's expansio n was accompanied by deep
changes in the social relations and the social structu res of each country where it was
produced, including massive processes of land privatisation. The cultural premi se of these
economic reforms (that were known as " Liberal reforms") was the ideology of 'progress'
and they embraced a set of legal, political and economic policies and institutional changes
oriented to reinfo rce the region's 'agricultural' comparative advantage, to attract capital for
the expansion of the export-oriented products (mainly coffee), ro populate the 'empty'
spaces" with Western / white colonisers, and ro connect the region with the rest of the
World through the constructions of railroads and ports. This process included measures
such as the forced privatisation of different forms of common land property, namely
municipal commons (ejidos), land s of indigenous communities (tierras comunales) and the
Catholic Ch urch's land. These reforms contributed
to
paving the way for a massive
privatisation and concentration of land tenure in most of the Central American countri es,
and is an excellent example of H arvey's concept of accumulation by dispossession (Harvey,
2003). As is pointed our by Langley and Schoonover in relation to this period characteri sed
by Liberal reforms:
They facilitated the privatization of communal land, advocated policies that
hastened the growth of a wage-dependent labour force, freed domestic capital by
undermining the cifradi{/s (religiously inspired socioeconomic brotherhood) and othcr
church-controlled sources of capital, and encouraged the formation o f banks
(especially hypothecary or mortgage land banks) . They also offered inducements ro
foreign setders and financial interests.' (1995: 14)
Land privatisation was total in El Salvador and Nicaragua; extensive in Guatemala and
Costa Rica and partial in Honduras (Ma honey, 2001: 117). In relation to the mode o f
production there were important rlifferences among the countries. In Guatemala and El
Salvador coffee production was intertwined with the strengthening and consolidatio n of
the hacienda Qarge estates). The manpower was obtained from the relative po pulatio n
surplus that was produced by the land rli spossessio n of indigenous communities, mestizo
peasants and even urban ladinos in cl,e case of El Salvador. In these countries wages were
Significant regions that we re privatised were inhabited by indigenolls population, but for the cn'o/losJ
members of th e Central Amedca n power clitcs, th ey were 'invisible', for them those regions were 'pristine' o r
empty spaces.
36
The' ;' _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __ _ _ _ 96
very low and wo rking conditions extremely harsh because of me combination o f relative
surplus and repression (Stirton, 1994: 88).
In the Honduran case coffee production was nOt significant. The Liberal refo rms and
privatisation did not favo ur only large, but also small estates. Thi s si tuation only changed
with the consolidation of me banana enclave at the end of the 19'" century. In N icaragua
coffee expansion started in the last quarter of the 19'" centu ry and only became the most
important export product at me end of the centu ry, but as is pointed out by Stirton, it
never achieved the importance mat this product had for Guatemala, El Salvado r and Costa
Ri ca. The limitations mat confronted me development of coffee productio n in Nicaragua
arose, not only from o mer products such as mining, cattle or sugar, but the lack of
manpower. Nicaragua was much less populated than Guatemala and it is the biggest
country of the region, hence, me indigenous, mestizos and ladino population made
governmental laws, policies and measures, that were intended to force d,em to work for
the land owners, useless by fl eeing to unutilised lands in the Central and Caribbean parts of
the cou ntry.
In COSta Rica, coffee expansion was accompanied by an extensIve process of land
privatisation that mainly affected d,e Catholic Church, me State public lands and the
indigenous communities. H owever, as a distinctive contrast to me Guatem ala and El
Sa lvador contexts, me main mode of production fo r coffee in Costa Rica developed
mainly, if not exclusively, on small estates o r fincas. The relative lack of (indigenous)
population did not allow fo r the expansion of d,e haciendas and mos t of th e labour force
utilised in the fin cas belonged to the ho useholds of me farmers themsel ves. Thj s fa ctor had
a twofold effect in relation to labour conditions: first, from the 19'" century wages were
higher than in the rest of me Central American countries, and second, the labour
conditio ns wete less exploitative (Mahoney, 2001: 11 7; Stirton, 1994: 78-79).
The ptimacy of coffee, as export product happened during me petiod of Bri tish economi c
hegemony in the region mroughout most of the second part of the 19'" century. The
beginning of banana productio n and exportation coincided wim me turning point from
British to U.S. economic hegemo ny at me end of me same century and d,e beginning of
the 20'" century. As is discussed in thi s chapter, the expansio n o f banana production had
Thcsis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _97
impacts not o nly in the economic realm , but also in the social relatio ns, political regImes
and social structu res of the countries where it was produced.
The mode of production and the social relations that accompanied the expansion of
banana plantations in the Caribbean geography were a central feature of the new
transnational social space in the isthmus. l-lowever, the U.S. econo mic penetration of the
region did not only include the production of bananas and comrol of their trade, but also
the appropriation of man y strategic sectors such as finance, transport and mines (Langlel"
1985: 89-91, Langley and Schoonover, 1995: 11-32; Lafeber, 1993: 19-85; Perez Brignolli,
1989: 107-132). This was the petiod in which the nations of Central America became
' Banana Republics', a comemptuous name that b ecame popular from the beginning of the
20" century. Th e origin o f the name was not precisely the fact that the region was the
biggest banana producer of the wo rld from rhe end of rhe 19" cemury, but becallse of bod1
the overwhelming political and economic power of the 'Banana men' in the region and the
corruption of the 'co mprador' eli tes and political representa tives that, in general terms,
were disposed to accept different fo rms of payment and bribery from the Banana me n to
favour their interests. It wasn't in va in that o ne of the salient foundets of the Banana
empi re in H onduras, Sam Zemurray, used to say that '". the Honduran deputies" were
c heaper than mules' (Ramirez, 2004).
The U.S. penetration and control of the Central American economy was an outcome of
two intertwined but differentiated processes:"
1) First, d1e V.s. internal economic expansion that led to the exportation of both capital
(through investments in foreign countries) and entrepreneurs at the e nd of the 19" century
and beginning of the 20,h Ducing this period V.S. entrepreneurs penetrated the most
strategic areas and sectors of the regional economy, including transpo rt (pa rticularly
railways), cash-crop production and the financial secto r. As was pointed out in the previous
point, the most important new crop was bananas.
2) Seco nd , the reforms p ro moted by the Liberal Governments to facilitate
coffee's
expansion in mOSt of the Central American counn;es (rerez Brignoli, 1985; Langley anel
Schoonover, 1995: 11 -32; Viales, 2001 a).
37
"
i\rIcmbe rs o f parlamcms.
The Liberal inner I-ransformatlon sratted earl ier than the U.S. expansion in the region.
Thesi,,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 98
After the first wave of privatisations related to coffee expansion, a second wave of land
privatisation and inner colortisation was provoked b)' the construction of rail roads to the
Caribbean and the Pacific coasts to make coffee's expottation to Europe faster and easier,
seeking to reduce the production and circulation costs." The operting up of the Caribbean
lowlands was soon interwoven with banana production and exportation main!), to the
United States (in the Costa Rican case also to England) . The banana expansion
consolidated a third wave of land privatisation and accumulation by dispossession in the
Pacific and on a bigger scale in the Caribbean lowlands of the region. The importance of
banana's consolidation as an export-product was not only related to the income that it
generated but also to the political and economic transformations that its production
introduced in the geography of the region . Although its production in the Caribbean a reas
of the region started in
the 1870s, the concentration of production and
the
commercialisation of the process, as well as its massive expansion, started at the end of the
19'" and the beginrting of the 20'" century with the creation of th e big transnational
companies: the Urtited Fruit Compan)', the Cu),amel Company (mainly in Ho nduras) , and
the Standard Fruit and Steamship Compan)'- In 1929 the two former comparties merged
and together with the latter had a monopolic control of the banana activity nOt only in
Central America, but in the whole Caribbean Basin.
To give an idea of the level of land concentration, it should be pointed out that in the case
of Honduras the main banana comparties' holdings in 1918 amounted to o ne million acres
of the most fertil e land of the country. This concentration was done to the detriment of the
peasantty that totally lost access ro their nation's good soil. It is not a coincidence that
Honduras was the first country of Central America that became known as a 'Banana
Republic' (Lafeber, 1993: 45-46). In Costa Rica between 1920 and 1935, The River Plate -a
British tru st- was the owner of approximately 86,000 hectares in both the Pacific and the
Caribbean lowlands, and the banana producer Urtited Fruit Company (UFCO) and rhe
Northern Railway Co. had more that 115,000 hectares in the Caribbean province of Limon
and 25,000 hectares in Quepos-Parrita in the Pacific province o f Puntarenas. In synrhesis,
the Liberal reforms that started decades before were very functional for the United States
39 Paraphrasing Marx, Han1cy points out that: 'The cllpitalist mode of production promotes the production
of cheap and rapid forms of communication and transponation in order that 'the direct product can be
realized in distant markets in mass quantities' at the same time as new 'spheres of realization for labour,
driven by capital' can be opened up. The reduction in realization and circulation costs helps to create,
therefore, fresh room for capital accumulation. Put the orher way around, capital accumulation is bound to be
geographkally expansionary and to be so by progressive reductions in the COStS of communication and
transportation'. (Harvey, 2001: 244)
Thcsis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 99
economic expansion into the Caribbean and the isthmus and the banana plantations were
the best expression of it.
Apart from the expansion of land privati sation, the banana expansion introduced other
maJor changes ro the region, of which the expansion of the enclave economy was the
principal one (Ton es-Ri vas, 1993: 14). 1n relation ro this period and the growing
importance of enclave economies in the region, Langley and Schoonover points out that
'Foreigners took advantage of th e new liberalized Jaws to build isolated centres of
ex tracti o n, exp lo itation, and producti on, wh ich are commo nly called enclaves ... In the
1880s Costa Rica had enclaves for bananas, Ho nduras for mining, and GuatemaJa for
coffee. The banana an d mining enclaves 00cated mostly near th e Cari bbean coast o f
Costa Ri ca and Ho nduras, where governmemal authority had traditio nally been weak)
came under extensive fo reign contra!" (Langley and Schoonover, 2000: 14).
From the end of the 19'h century and parallel to the U.S.' geopoli tical domination over the
region there was a rapid economic penetration (Lang!ey and Schoonover, 2000). As it is
possible ro observe in Figure 4.5 the U.S.' economic importance in the region was reflected
in thei r direct investment in the regio n. Tota! US investment increased fro m Sll.5 million
in 1897 to 5201 milJion in 1927, an impressive growth of more that 1700% in three decades
or an annual rate average of more than 50% in that period . This process transfo rmed the
economic structure of th e region and reinforced a dependent rei nsertion o f Central
America in to the world economy (see Figure 4.5).
Thcsis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ lOO
Fig ure 4.5: Direct U.S. Invesunent in Central America, 1897-1929.
D Ir e ct U .S. ln v e stme nt in C e ntra l Ame ri ca, 1 897·19 2 9 ( million s o f dol a rs)
250
- r-
~
__- _ __r_~=_-
~
-,
200
_ _ Cos laRica
~
150
:a
_
S5aIYador
'6
.~
~
119.2
-
_
Gual8rrola
100
_ - x - - HonduraS
6 ,9
"
50
"
3 ~
_ - ..,. .re-
_ -
_ _ & 58 ,8
_ _ t>6caragua
....;tR -
_)(
_
40 ,2
,/
,/
,~
,8
f'I:<
COnlral
Arrorlca
(excluding
P.1nllrm)
o
a1897
a1906
a1919
a1914
a1924
a1929
Yea rs
So urce: To rres- Rivas. 1993: 49.
The countries wiu1 the biggest U.S. direct invesunents were Honduras (where US
investment increased from less than S10 million in 1897 to 580.3 millions dollars by 1929),
and Guatemala (from less than 510 millions to S58.8 mi.llions in 1927) . The massiveness of
the banana expansion in bo th countries explained the impressive growth of U.s.
Investments. Nicaragua was more important in geopolitical and military than in eco no mic
terms, the small E l Salvador was more otiented to coffee production, a cash crop that
never was under the U.S. shadow. In Costa Rica coffee production was penetrated by
British capital from the first half of the 19'h century, particularly in the toasting and
commercialisation realms, but in the case of bananas the expansion was driven by U.S.
capital. With the passing of time, the growing influence o f the U.S.' economic presence was
accompanied by the weakening of the o ld linkages with oUler metropoli ses such as Great
Britain and Germany. As a general trend, U.S. enterpri ses and invesunents, as well as thei r
transnati onal linkages, networks and fl ows were hegemo nic in Central America at the
beginning of the 19305.
I
Thc,i,,_ _ __ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
101
areas of Central America, 1885-1950.
-.
CJ Banana plantat ion area
Oatu indlCa\e periOds 01
1 Pverto Cor'"
2
production
La Ceibe
•
Banana exporting port
®
Capital city
Cabeus
Rio GriMe
Caribbean Sea
Pacitic Ocean
BANANA PRODUCING
AREAS OF CENTRAL
AMERICA
100
200
o
'~=T:;,-
:--
o
300 miles
I ,
'00
200
300
400 kilomelers
Source: Hall and Brignoli, 2003
In summ ary, the internal
e~p
a n s io n
of the U.5. economy created a pressure to export
capital through di rect foreign investment and also individual entrepreneu rs. Central
America was one of the recipient regions. There, U.5. investors took advantage of the
Libera] refo rm s to penetrate the most strategic areas of the regio na] econo my, as well as to
develop new ones. The most salient of the new products was the banana that was massive]y
developed in the Caribbean .l owlands (Figure 4.6). A new mode of production accompan.ied
the expansio n of the banana production: the economic enclave. By the 1930s Central
America was a 'Banana Republic' but also a transnational social space under U.5. hegemony
in geopolitical and econo mic terms.
The consolidatio n in thi s period of an export otiented econorruc pattern with coffee
ptoductio n in the Pacific and Banana in the Caribbean increased the level of dependency
between Central America and the World Economy. The linkages that ptoduced a
dependent in serrion of the region were not abstract but developed via connectio ns to
specific metropolises o r core states. By the begi nning of the 20'" century the main linkages
T hcsis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _102
were with the United States. The uneven and asymmetrical transnational integration with
thi s country was an outcome of different mechanisms, including the growing penetration
of U.S. investments in those sectors oriented to exportation, particularl y banana and
mining; a nd the control of other strategic sectors such as the financial sector, transpo rt
(mainly railways) and an unbalanced trade exchange. The predominant pattern of this
'agrarian capitalism' which lasted until the mid 1940s reproduced a dual dynamic in which
economic growth and wealth were concentrated into the hands of the comp rador elites and
foreign e nterprises that controlled the export sector. In the long run, thi s feature greatly
contributed to economic polarisation, social exclusio n and massive poverty in the regio n
(perez Brignoli, 1985).
4. 1.4 Migratiol/ Imids dl/lil/g Ibe cOl/solidatiol/
Inll/sl/atiol/al social space
of
Cel/lml A/JIetica as POlt
of
a US
·In relatio n to the regional migration, there are some significant elements to highlight in this
period. I n fact, the political and economic changes mentioned above created human
displacements and dynamics that are important for tI,e purposes of this research in two
senses: first, because some of the structural elem ents established at that time were going to
last until present days. Second, because the analysis of the interaction between social
change and migratio n could bring some useful insights for the study of current migratio n
dynamics in Central America.
In previo us sections relative population scarcity was discussed in some detail. In Figure 4.7
it is possible to observe the demography of the regio n in terms of total population and
population densiry. I n the period between 1900 and 1930, with the exception o f E l
Salvado r (44.8 and 68.3 persons per square kilometres), the rest of tI,e countries we re
indeed scarce.ly populated (Guatemala with less than 20 and the rest with less tI"n 10
persons per square kilometre).
"I110,i,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _103
Fi ure 4.7: Central America. Po ulation and Po uiation densi ' in 1900 and 1930.
1900
T o tal Area
(Km')
Total Popul.
(millions)
1930
Populati on
Density (popl
Total Populo
(millions)
Km'
Gu atem ala
E l Salvador
H onduras
Ni cara ua
Cos ta Ri ca
108,889
21,04 1
11 2,088
130,000
50,700
Source: Hall and Pcrez Brignoli, 2003.
1.430,000
943,000
500,000
429,000
288,000
13. 1
44.8
4.5
3.3
5.7
2,000,000
1,437,000
840,000
680,000
500,000
68.3
7.5
5.2
9.8
In relation to the labour migration in that period, coffee's expansion between 1850 and
1900 did not require international immigration. I n fact, the Liberal immigration policy of
that period sought to attract Western/ white settlers for the colonisation of the 'empry
spaces'4Q altho ugh this tlid not succeed, mainly because of the strong competition o f mo re
attractive countries in the American continent, particularly ti,e Unites States in the North
and Argentina and Uruguay in the South. As is po inted out by HaLl and Perez Brignoli :
' .. . Nu mero us contracts were signed with private entreprencLlrs for the introductio n o f
foreign setders. Racial discrimination offi ciall y ended with independence, but
underlying prejudices persisted, and most of the early COntracts were for the
immigration of Europeans whom it was hoped wouJd further "whiten)) the population
and introduce new technology. Guatemala and Costa Rica granted tens o f thousands
of hectares of lien"Os ba/ditlS for the establishment of European colonies .. .' (2003: 94)
T he Liberal elites were interested in populating the 'em pry' areas for rwo main reasons: o n
me one hand, to increase their territorial control a nd, o n the other hand, to spread progress
and modernisatio n in their respective countries, particularly if me immigration was from
'civilised' o rigin , namely U.S. or European settle rs. I n those days, m uch like in present
ones, the power elites perceived western fo reign investment and immigration as almost me
only source of progress and development. In contrast to their small numbers, the political
and economic weight of the smaU group of western settlers was very significant. In a
relative short period, the newcomers were managing, controlling and expanding important
economic businesses such as finance and banking, tran spo rtation (ships and railways),
commerce and trade (particularly importan t in coffee), and the productio n o f exportoriented cash crops (banana). I n rela tion to me real Outco me of the immigration po licies
o f the Central American countries in ti,e Liberal epoch, Woodward mention s that
They we re not empty, but populated by the indige nous po pulatio n.
Thcsis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _104
'Although foreigners played key roles in the Liberals' program of reconstructing and
revitali sing th e Central American economy, few o utsiders wefe bro ught to the isthmu s
as immigrants. As in the early years of independence, the intent of th e Liberal
immig ration laws of the last third o f [he nineteenth century was to imerest and attract
large numbers o f industrious foreigners to come and join in th e agricultural and
industrial development. These Jaws, intended
to
lure a large, exemplary working cJass,
resulted instead in the entry o f a small but experienced class o f entrepreneurs who
too k advantage of th e Liberals' laws to create an arrogant class of merchants and
planters who determined the direction o f the Central Amedcan economy for several
decades.' (1999: 165)
In relation to the manpower for coffee production, it was supplied by tbe internal
populati on. Tbus, the re was no need to impo n labo ur force from neighbouring countries
or from extra-regional countries. Most o f the human displacements were produced by the
dispossession o f the peasantry and indigenous population who were transformed in to a
ru ral prolerariat and semi-proletariat by enforcing them to enter into both seasonal and
pe rmanent wage system (\'(Ioodward, 1999: 169; V iales, 2001a) . This situation changed with
the construction o f the railroad s and the establishm ent of the banana enclaves. During tbe
end of the 19'" and th e beginning of the 20'" century, indentured labo urers from China
arri ved in tbe Pacific ports of Costa Rica to wo rk in the railroads and in Panama, ro work
in the canal (HaU and Perez Brignoli, 2003: 94).
·In the case of bananas, there were differences between the countries. Thus, Guatemala did
not impo rt labour because they could mobilise enough indigenous and mesti zo manpower
to the banana enclaves. El Salvador did nOt develop banana plantatio ns itself but afrer 1920
became a labour supplier cOuntl)' mainly to H onduras, a trend whicb was goi ng to be a
conflicti ve factor in the future o f these twO neig hbour countries. In the H o nduran case
between 1910 and 1930, apart from the Salvadoran immigration, the transnational
companies brought in labour from th e Anglo-Caribbean Antilles (mainl y Jamaica and
Barbados) . N icaragua did not receive major labour immigration, but as with El Salvador, it
began to send labour to Costa Rica, mainly to work in the banana enclaves. Most of th e
emigrants were from Rivas, the Nicaraguan D epa rtment that shares the border with Costa
.Rica. Thi s country also received blac k labo ur immigrants from the Antilles from the 1880s
until the 1930s. In this case, like in Ho nduras, they were brought ro Costa Rica by the
banana companies. For the Costa Rican ruling elite, to receive black workers instead of
western / white settlers was not something that was easy to cope with. In fact, tbey o nly
accepted the arrival of Afro-Caribbean workers becau se of the political and econo mic
influence of tbe United Fruit Company in the counn)'. As is pointed out by StirtOn:
----------------------------------n,cs;,,__________________________________105
'In keep ing with the enclave charac ter of ac ti vity, rhe labour fo rce fo r the banana
plantati ons was recruited fro m ab road, consisting primarily of workers o f African
descent from the Anglophone Caribbean. T he Costa Rican Government was not
enthusiastic about this new populati on. AJ tllough the govern ment continued (Q
pro mote immig rati o n to reduce labour shon ages and hig h labour cos ts, earli er Costa
Rican governments had explicitly prohibited immigration by Asians and Africans. ln
th is case, however, th ey allowed th e immigration o f Uni ted Fruit Company workers
but discouraged them from moving (0 or even travelling in the highlands.' (1994)
Howeve r, ti, e dominant sectors would only allow the A fro-Caribbean immigrants to
move o ue fro m LilJJol/, the Caribbean p rovince, in the aftermath of the civil war in
1948 (Foote, 2004)_ The Nicaraguan and Caribbean im migratio n into Costa Rica was
reflected in th e demography of the country. ln th e Natio nal Census of 1927 of a total
po pulati on o f 471,524 the Jamaican im migrants were the biggest group of foreign
population, with a total amou nt of 17,248 (3.7% o f the total population and 38.9% o f
the im migrants) . The next biggest group o f immigrants was constituted by the
Nicaraguans, with a to tal amount of 10,673 (2.3% of th e total population and 24.1 %
of the immi grants) (Brenes, 1999).
The immigration of tho usands o f wage workers fro m J amaica and the other AntilJ es
tra ns fo rmed the Caribbean physiognomy of Central America not only in economic
but also in cultu ral terms (perez Brignolli, 1985: 112; Sandner, 2003) . In current
da),s, the A&o-Caribbean descendents o f these im migrants are a fundamental element
of Central America's culturaI diversity and, together wi th the indigenous population,
one of the most important sources of the cultural richness of th e regio n. The
migration trends discussed here are shown in Figure 4.8.
Thc,;,,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _106
F i ure 4.8: Central American I nte rnational l mmi ration. 1880s-1940s.
BRITI{/;!
MEXICO
~
~
.cas
~
BeliZ
City
San CrlslQbaI de Las HON' 7 AS .,,1l
Sanla Rosa
(.. {lJ'o
de COpS n
to
~
I:
le
t9. os
®
Gualemala
~
"Y
San Sa
®
~
~
!'
and Barbados )
-----t- tmmigrlllion from Asia
~
Migralion between
countries of Central
America and Mexico
..
....,.._•..",,c4""'''''''_
GUATEMALA
.Ouezallena ngo
Immigration from the
Antilles (mainly Jamaica
La Celba
San Pedro Sura
®
•
Capital city
Other cily or town
HONDURAS
®
EL
Tegucigalpa
S
NICARAGUA
Calibbean Sea
Pacitic Ocean
INTERNATIONAL
MIGRATION
ROUTES LATE 19THMID-20TH CENTURIES
o.
,
o
.
100
.
200
300
miles
,
Source: Hall and Perez Brignolli, 2003: 95.
There were no significant changes in these migration dynamics until th e beginning of the
1950s when Central Ametica began a process of economic ' modernisation' that created
impo rtant changes in relation to human di splacemenrs. These are analysed in the next
chapter.
4.2 Some corollaries in form of con clusion
The present chapter set out to explain the origin o f the production of Central Ame rica as a
transnatio nal social space undet U.S. hegemony at the end of the 19'h and beginning o f the
20,h centuries. As was pointed out, this was a process that involved, not only the isthmian
countries, but the whole Caribbean Basin. The transnationalisatio n of this space was a
result of the military, po litical and economic policies and actio ns of cl,e US under the
cultural premise of an 'Anglo' superiority, well represented by the Monroe Doctrine (1823)
and the Roosevelt corollary (1904). The creation of this transnational social space in the
region was accompanied by a deep process of economic and social transformati on
including U.S. military interventions, the nurturing and support of friendly dictatOrs and
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _107
governments, maSSIve land privatisations in favour of U .S. enterprises (particularly for
railroads and bananas) and the development of the enclave economy that was very
significant in Honduras, Costa Rica and Guatemala (but less so
in Nicaragua). This
particular transnationalisation strengthened the level of dependency of the Central
American states upon the new metropole and reinforced their role in the international
division of labour as raw material producers.
As part of this process of transnationalisation there were also new migration dynamics
related to both new and old export-oriented economic acrivities. The development of
railroads and the expansion of new export crops (such as bananas) whilst maintaining and
expanding coffee producrion, required more manpower that could be supplied from the
original population. This need was met through inflows of Afro-Caribbean workers from
the Caribbean Antilles (Jamaica and Barbados) to Honduras and Costa Rica and via new
intra-regional labour migration dynamics, including the mobilisation of workers from El
Salvador to Honduras and Nicaragua to Costa Rica. These mobilizations were mainly
organised by the compafiias bananeras.
Although the Central American countries belonged to the same transnational social space,
they had different relations with the hegemonic power and different internal social and
economic arrangements that can help to explain the different trajectories that these
countries have had throughout the 20,h century. Some of the elements that were present in
those days became structural features of most of the countries of Central America and
could contribute to explain some of the contemporary dynamics of the region. One of the
main factors was the extreme social polarisation produced by the land privatisation in
countries like Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras and, to a lesser degree, Nicaragua. In the
one exception to this was Costa Rica, where land privatisation partially created a significant
group of small and middle sized producers engaged in the production of coffee. Labour
shortages in Costa Rica had created a particular situation in which labour conditions were
less exploitative and the wages were higher in comparison to the rest of the Central
American countries. These factors help to explain why, after the introduction of bananas,
Costa Rica required labour immigration to expand production. For the purpose of this
thesis in particular, it is important to highlight, therefore, the configuration of a labour
migration dynamic between Nicaragua and Costa Rica as early as the beginning of the 20,h
century.
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _108
In the case of Nicaragua, from this period its role was going to be of great strategic
importance for
V.s. geopolitics in the Caribbean Basin. As a consequence, the 'weight' of
the new hegemonic power in the internal life of Nicaragua was going to be much more
significant than for the rest of the Central American countries. This permanent V.S.
tutelage implied the interruption of any social or economic reform or revolutionary process
that did not count upon V.S. approval (Zelaya Liberal reforms, 1909; Sandinista
Revolution, 1979-1990),
the support of a long-term dynastic dictatorship (Somoza
Dynasty, 1936-1979) and the maintenance of an unjust social order with a deep social
polarisation and massive land concentration. This helps to explain why the biggest and
most unpopulated country of the region actually created a relative surplus population and
saw labour emigration to Costa Rica as early as the beginning of the 20'h century.
The.s'_____________________________________________________________109
CHAPTER 5: MODERNISATION, MARGINALISATION, AND
MIGRATION TRENDS IN CENTRAL AMERICA (1950-1980)
The previous chapter explained the establishment and consolidation of a transnational
social space in Central America under U.S. hegemony between 1900 and the 1930s. This
space was not only economic, but also geopolitical. It also explained the configuration of
the main migration dynamics in that period for both the region in general, and between
Nicaragua and Costa Rica in particular. In the 1930s and until the end of the 1940s the
region witnessed a three-fold process: i. a consolidation of authoritarian regimes and
dictatorships in most of the countries of the region" except Costa Rica (Fonseca, 1996:
205-207), ii. a slowdown in economic growth, and iii. a period of social unrest in most of
the countries.
The socio-economic crisis was caused by a combination of factors but the main one was
the decline in the prices of the region's main export crops prices in the international
..
markets. In the case of coffee this was due to a massive increase in coffee production in
Brazil and other Latin American countries, whilst in the case of bananas the decline was
caused by the demand contraction caused by the US economic crisis that occurred in the
1920s. At the moment of the U.S. depression of 1929, the Central American economies
were extremely dependent and hence vulnerable to the fluctuations of the V.S. market,
which was reflected in reductions of both exports to and imports from Central America to
the United States in those years (Fonseca, 1996: 204-205). In 1932 Costa Rican exports of
bananas and coffee reached their lowest level and they did not recover to 1929 levels again
until 1945. In the general Central America case, coffee prices did not recover to their 1929
level until 1946 (Torres-Rivas, 1980: 154-5). Another factor that deepened the economic
crisis was a trade exchange decrease with Europe during the World War (Sandner, 2003:
200). As can be observed from Figure 5.1, as a consequence of those factors, this period
witnessed a general decrease in the level of international trade.
41
Jorge Ubico in Guatemala (1921-44); Maximiliano Hernandez Martinez in El Salvador (1932-44);
Tiburcio Carias Andino in Honduras (1931-49); and AnaSlasio Somoza Garcia in Nicaragua (1937-56).
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _110
Figure 5.1: Central America Exports, Imports and Trade Balance (1930-1945).
Central America: Exports, Imports, and Trade Balance (1930-1945)
200
150
~
100
~
•c
..
'E
50
JS:S:Sl Central Arrerica Export
~
Central Arrerica hl'Jort
Cl)
::::>
-.-Central Arrerica Trade
0
If &
;:;
-50
.....
tt
;!!
"-
g ff
" "
11 "g'" § "'" {Ylh
;:;
Balance
~
-100
Year
Source: Torres-Rivas, 1980: 72
The economic crisis invoked a period of social unrest with increasing military repression of
grassroots organisations across Central America.
In terms of the migration dynamics in the region, the reduction in economic activity linked
to the export sector reduced both the size and the intensity of the human displacements in
the region, a trend that would change only with the new period of economic growth in the
mid-1940s (perez Brignoli, 1985; Hall and Perez Brignoli, 2003).
5.1 The beginning of the Cold War Era in Central America
The end ofWW II configured a new global geopolitical order known as the 'Cold War'. As
Slater points out, there were three salient features of this order:
"a) the emergence of the US as the leader of the Western world, as the pre-eminent
hegemoruc power;
b) the eruption onto the world stage of the Soviet Union, as an opposing superpower,
signalling the beginning of a superpower rivalry that came to mould world politics for
a little over four decades; and
c) the emergence of a whole series of new Third World nations, emanatiog from the
process of decolonisation and political independence in Aftica and Asia... (Slater,
2004: 64-65).
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _111
This stage started in 1946 and finished in 1990 with the collapse of the Soviet Union and
the bloc of socialist countries in Centre Europe. Mutatis mutandis in Central America the
Cold War was over after the electoral defeat of the FSLN in Nicaragua in January of 1990.
In relation to migration dynamics during the Cold War era, two main periods can be
pointed out, the first lasting from the beginning of the 1950s until mid-1970s and the
second, from the end of the 1970s until 1990. These periods are analysed in the next two
sections.
5.1.1 U.S. Geopolitics towards Centra/America during the period 1950-1975
After World War II a new global order - the 'Cold War'- was established. This geopolitical
order lasted from 1946 until 1989 (faylor, 1994: 35) and was characterised by an
ideological, military, economic and technological confrontation between two blocs of
countries, namely the capitalist bloc or the 'Free World' headed by the United States, and
the 'Communist Bloc' headed by the Soviet Union (USSR). This confrontation was
progressively spread throughout the whole planet and was perceived by the two contending
powers as a sort of 'global chess' (Comblin, 1988: 17). However, there was also a third bloc
of nations, mainly composed of recently decolonised Third World countries, particularly in
Asia and Africa, but also of countries that had gone through processes of revolutionary
change, like China (1948) and Cuba (1959), that were starting to act beyond the great
powers' geopolitical designs, will and desires (Slater,2004: 64-65).
After W.W.II there was a significant change in the U.S.' geopolitical and ideological
conceptualisation of their National Security doctrine, including a change in what they
considered as their main threat, namely the potential expansion of the Soviet Union into
Europe and the Third World. As pointed out by Slater, President Truman conceived of the
Cold War as a confrontation between two ways of life: the one promoted by the U.S. that
was seen as based on the will of the majority and distinguished by freedom, representative
government and guarantees of individual liberty, and the other, imposed by the U.S.S.R.,
was perceived as based on the will of the minority forcibly imposed upon the majority, and
dependent upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, and the suppression
of personal freedoms (Slater, 2004: 65). In relation to U.S. Foreign-Policy towards the
Third World, there were two important elements drawn at the beginning of the Cold War
by President Truman at the end of the 1940s: first, the need to confront poverty as a
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _112
handicap and as a threat to both the undeveloped and prosperous areas of the world; and
second, the need to confront communism (Slater, 2004: 65-66).
During the Cold War, Central America was part of the geopolitical design and action of
one of the two great powers. As was pointed out in the previous chapter, this region was
transformed into the V.S.' backyard in the first decades of the 20'h century and the
hegemonic power was not eager to accept any political and economic change that might
lead to a transformation in that condition. This fact helps to explain the permanent
surveillance and direct intervention of the U.S. within their 'informal' protectorates. In fact,
the V,S. geopolitical discourse of freedom and democracy, contrasted with the V.S.
political, economic and military support to dictatorships and authoritarian regimes in most
of the Central American countries, with the exception of Costa Rica. In fact, most of the
armies and national guards were trained by V.S. troops. Hence, it is not a coincidence that
the Central American military leadership and dictators took the U.S. strategic perspective as
theirs and developed their own version of the National Securiry doctrine, oriented against
the 'inner enemy'. This was the Latin American version of the ongoing V.S. global anticommunist crusade. In this context, the V.S, geopolitical interest in the region was an
insurmountable obstacle for those political agents and actors that were intending to
promote social change and polit~a
democratic processes.
Any democratic reform between the 1950s and 1960s was cut down by the oligarchic elite
and the military forces with the support of the V.S. government and their economic agents
in the region, A clear example of this contradiction between rhetoric and practice was the
case of the democratically elected President Jacobo Arbenz (1951-54) in Guatemala, who
suffered a coup-de-etat because a key element of his governmental program was an
agrarian reform that sought to challenge the dominant social order and its main
beneficiaries, namely the traditional Guatemalan power elite and the transnational
enterprises, including the Vnited Fruit Company, the largest land-owner of the country
(Torres-Rivas, 1991: 85). The Central American dictatorships were very repressive and in
most cases political opposition was banned, persecuted, imprisoned or even disappeared.
Human rights violations were a daily occurrence of life.
V,S. foreign policy towards Latin American and the Caribbean went through some changes
after the triumph of the Cuban Revolution in 1959 which soon became a source of
The~s,
_____________________________________________________________113
inspiration for many revolutionaries and national liberation movements in the region. The
potential expansion of the 'threat' represented by the Cuban experience was a determinant
factor in the articulation of a very ambitious foreign policy proposal for the region, namely
the Kennedy Administration's 'Alliance for Progress.'. In basic terms, this proposal added a
modernising and developmentalist component to the existing military one. Following the
new line, most of Central America's military governments attempted to make some
modernisation efforts in the economic realm (Sohr, 1988: 19). However, the reforms were
less ambitious in the political realm and they did not include any sort of attempt to change
dictatorships into democratic regimes. At the end of the day, the main outcomes were the
solidification of a regional authoritarian order and an increase in the levels of social protest,
including the eruption of guerrilla movements in Guate~l,
El Salvador and Nicaragua
(Sohr, 1988: 20; Cortes Ramos, 2003: 34).
5.2 Impoverishing economic modernisation, population growth and migration
dynamics in Central America (1950-1975)
In the economic realm, after W.W. II and particularly since the beginning of the 1950s the
Western World started an impressive long cycle of economic expansion that lasted for
almost three decades. This was largely the result of European and Japanese reconstruction
under US hegemony. This global recovery was reflected almost immediately in Central
America with a process of economic recovery, takeoff, and expansion that started in the
mid 1940s and lasted up to mid 1970s. As Vilas describes this process (see Figure 5.2): .
"Stimuli from abroad, generated by changes in the world economy, found fertile soil in
the economies and societies of the isthmus, permitting very rapid responses to the new
terms of the accumulation process." (Vilas, 1995: 41)
Although there was economic expansion and growth, this did not produce a process of
structural transformation oriented towards overcoming the historical dependency and
underdevelopment that has long characterised the region, neither was the oligarchic social
structure inherited from the colonial times transformed. This economic growth was illfounded: it was the result of the reproduction of social polarisation (concentration of
wealth and social exclusion in the extremes) and massive urban and rural poverty (Bulmer
Thomas, 1994: 139).
114
Thesis
Figure 5.2: Central America, Economic Growth, 1950-79 (Annual Median
Rate of GDP Growth).
Central America: Economic Growth, 1950-79 (Annual Median Rate of GDP Growth)
Source: Vilas, 1995: 63.
As it is possible to verify from Figure 5.2, the region achieved solid economic growth that
lasted for almost three decades with a general average of 5.7%. In terms of countries, the
two with the highest levels of growth were Costa Rica (6.6%) and Nicaragua (6,0%). There
is a wide consensus among scholars that this growth resulted from a twofold process of
economic reforms, on the one hand, the capitalist modernisation and diversification of the
agrarian structure and, on the other hand, the development of an import substitution
industrialisation strategy with the creation of the Central American Common Market
(CACM) at the beginning of the 1960s (Guerra-Borges, 1993: 13-56; Vilas, 1995: 42-46;
Torres-Rivas, 1991: 89-106). Both dynamics reinserted Central America in the process of
global economic expansion.
In relation to the aims of this thesis, the process of social change that requires most
attention is the transformation in the agricultural sector. The main features of rural
transformation during this period were threefold: first, the geographical expansion of
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _115
export-oriented crops, including both traditional crops such as coffee and bananas, and
new crops such as sugar cane and cotton. Second, the introduction of more resistant
species", new production techniques43, intense use of pesticides and fertilizers, and
mechanisation of some crops, particularly cotton; and, third, a significant expansion in
cattle raising, mainly for beef exports to the US as a direct consequence of the hamburger
market boom, named the 'hamburger connection' by Myers and Edelman (perez Brignoli,
1985: 144; Vilas, 1995: 43-44 ). The cattle production implied a massive geographical
expansion of pasture land that carried large social and environmental impacts, including
social exclusion, deforestation and land degradation CUtting, 1996; Pasos et at, 1994), factors
that triggered internal human displacements, particularly of Central America's rural
population to the major urban areas and cities.
A key factor that helps to explain these new economic dynamics was the transformation of
the region'S financial sector or what Guerra-Borges terms financial modernisation,
characterised by the expansion of intermediatory mechanisms and the introduction of a
developmentalist orientation in to the banking systems of the region. In fact, there was a
significant increase in the number of banks and the consolidation of central banks in most
of the countries. These changes were stimulated by the need for capital surplus reallocation
created by the expansion of the traditional and new economic activities. To give an idea of
the magnitude of the financial transformation, the Centtal American central banks'
activities grew from a total of US$ 339.0 million in 1960 to US$ 636.0 million in 1970
(Guerra-Borges, 1993: 41-47). This transformation helps to explain why both initial capital
and investment for the Central American economic takeoff were mainly domestic and also
explains why the public financial sector played a prominent role, as is pointed out by Vilas:
"This accelerated diversification was carried out primarily by domestic capital. Foreign
capital that participated did so mainly outside the sphere of primary production: banks,
input supply, and marketing. The state took an active role by building infrastructure
(roads, electrical energy, communications; offering bank credit and subsidies to
companies for new products; writing pro-development tax policies; and encouraging
mechanisation and technological research."(Vilas, 1995: 43)
Table 5.3 and Figure 5.4 shows the significant credit expansion for agriculture and cattle
industries in each country and for the region as a whole; in all countries credit allocation
For example, the transnational banana companies changed the Gras Michel species to the Cavendish
species, more resistant to plagues (perez Brignoli. 1986: 144).
43
For example, an increase in tree number by hectare and the cutting down of shade trees, measures
42
that would have a terrible impact on the environment decades later.
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _11.6
grew in relative and absolute terms: in regional terms it more than doubled in less than a
decade.
Figure 5.3: Commercial Bank Credit destined for Agriculture (including cattle) in US$
millions, 1961, 1965, 1970. The data in brackets is the
in relation to total credit.
Costa Rica
El Salvador
Guatemala
Nicaragua
1961
67,8 (56.2%)
32,5 (26%)
52,9 (47.9%)
7,3 (20.0%)
34,9 (62.0%)
1965
95,1 (53.8%)
47,1 (28.3%)
63,4 (40.2%)
20,0 (31.3%)
57,2 (55.7%)
1970
144,0 (57.1%)
59,1 (26.7%)
84,2 (36.3%)
53,1 (31.6%)
99,4 (60.2%)
Source: Bulmer-Thomas, 1994: 246.
Figure 5.4: Central America, Commercial Bank Credit allocated to Agriculture
(including Cattle), US$ Millions, 1961, 1965, 1970.
Central America: Commercial Bank Credit allocated in
Agriculture (including Cattle), US$ millions, 1961, 1965,1970
"'"
~
'E
...
500
450
400
350
300
250
200
If)
:J 150
~2,
~
....:::::
./'
~-
..-.
I-+- Central Arrerica I
~95.;,
100
50
0
y1961
y1965
. y1970
Source: Bulmer-Thomas, 1994: 246.
There was an important correlation between credit allocation growth in export-oriented
activities and their expanded yields for those years, as can be observed in Figure 5.5:
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _117
Figure 5.5: Central American Net Production of Cotton, Beef, and Sugar; US$
millions; 1960, 1965, 1970.
Central America: Net Production of Cotton, Beef and Sugar (U5$ millions),
1960, 1965 and 1970
700
600
500
~
c
~
:!i
~
400
300
~
200
100
o +--......"""'''-'',n.=
y1960
y1965
y1970
Source: BulmerThomas, 1994: 247.
In fact, the new non-traditional exports (namely cotton, cattle and sugar) net yields almost
doubled in ten years, passing from US$ 295.2 million in 1960 to US$ 583.9 million in 1970.
However, the accelerated pace of economic growth was not exclusively due to the
performance of these new export crops but was a general trend of the regional economy.
In fact, during the period 1950-75 regional GDP more than tripled (353.8%) from US$
2,255.7 million in 1950 to US$ 7,981.4 million in 1975 which gives an idea of the significant
transformations occurring in the region during this period.
Figure 5.6 points out an
important structural feature of the international linkages of the period, the fact that
throughout most of the period the region was in overall trade deficit, a sign of the
dependent character of Central America's insertion in the World Economy.
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _118
Figure 5.6: Central America Exports, Imports and Trade Balance, 1950-1975, US$
Millions (1970 prices).
CENTRAL AMERICA EXPORTS, IMPORTS AND TRADE BAlANCE, 1950·1975, US$
MILLIONS
2500
2000
1500
0
0
i
=CAX
i7i1ICAM
__ CAm
1000
~
500
o·
Source: Bulmer Thomas, 1994: 433-435.
This profound transformation process counted upon an active role for the state by means
of aggressive public policies in building infrastructure (roads, electric energy supply and
communications), but also through offering bank credit, subsidies and favourable tax
policies to export sector enterprises; that is why this period is characterised as
developmentalist,
From a geographical perspective, social and economic changes have a
significant impact on the organisation of social and territorial space modifying social
relations and land use patterns, as well as land property structure. In fact, a direct outcome
of this developmentalist process was a massive geographical expansion of cultivated land for
export-oriented crops as well as for cattle rearing, as is indicated by Figure 5.7. In general
terms, from the 19505 to the 1970s export oriented crops expanded from the Pacific
lowlands towards the central highlands across the whole region (see Figure 5.8 and CCAD,
1998: 42-44).
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _119
Fi re 5.7: Central America: chan es in land use between the1950s and the 1970s.
1) The land used for sugar cane doubled between 1950 and 1973, and production
Costa Rica
tripled.
2) The land under cattle doubled between 1950 and 1963 (from 630,000 to 1.2
million hectares); in 1973 it reached 1.7 million hectares, 34% of the nation's
Guatemala
3)
4)
5
Nicaragua
6) The land surface planted in cotton grew more than tenfold between 1950 and
1973.
7 Lands used for cattle raisin doubled between 1960 and 1970.
El Salvador
8) Cotton farms, which numbered 654 in the 1950s, had multiplied to over 3,200 a
decade later.
Source: Vilas, 1995:43-44.
Fi ure 5.8: Central America Cattle Raisin
Coun
1950
Costa Rica
Guanacaste
Nico a
Guatemala
Escuintla
Honduras
Nicaragua
Copan, Cortes,
El Paraiso, Olancho, Santa Barbara
Matagalpa, N ueva Segovia
Alajuela, Guanacaste, Perez Zeled6n
Santa Rosa, Alta Verapaz, Chiquimula,
Izabal, uiche, Peten, Zaca a
Atlantida, Col6n, Choluteca, El Paraiso,
Olancho, Yoro
Chontales,Jinotega, Matagalpa, Nueva
Guinea, Rio San uan
Code, Chiriqui, Herrera, Los Santos,
Vera as
Source: Rodriguez, 1998: 43.
Panama
Panama, Col6n
In parallel to all of these economic transformations, a very significant demographic change
in the region also was occuring over the same period (1950-1975), namely very rapid
population growth (Figure 5.9) that constituted a demographic boom. This trend, together
with the economic changes already outlined, helps to explain the main human displacement
and migration dynamics of the period.
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _120
Figure 5.9: Central America Population, 1950-1975 (thousands).
Central America Populatior1, 1950-1975 (Thousands)
174 3
y1960
y1965
y1970
y1975
Source: Bulmer Thomas, 1994: 415, 416.
As can be observed from Figure 5.9, the Central American population more than doubled
in this period with an overall growth of 119.5% in twenty five years and an average growth
rate of 4.8%. The country with the fastest population growth was Costa Rica, with an
average of 5.9% for the same period, passing from 800,000 inhabitants in 1950 to
1,970,000 inhabitants by 1975. In contrast, the country with the slowest pace of population
growth was Nicaragua, with an annual average growth rate of 4.2%, passing from 1,060,000
inhabitants in 1950 to 2,160,000 inhabitants by 1975. As a consequence of this population
boom, there was an increase in population density, particularly in the Salvadoran case
which almost reached 200 inhabitants per square kilometre. However, contrary to the
assumptions of orthodox demographic approaches, this level of regional population
growth was far from creating an overpopulation situation. In fact, most of the countries'
population densities were below 50 inhabitants per square kilometre, as is demonstrated in
Figure 5.1 O.
Tre&s,_____________________________________________________________121
Figure 5.10: Central America Population Density, 1950-1975 (peDl/km~
Central America Population Density 1950-1975
250,0
200,0
-+-CR
150,0
_ _ ES
100,0
.......... HON
_ _ NIC
-.-GUA
50,0
0,0
i
y1950
y1955
y1960
y1965
y1970
y1975
Source: BulmerThomas, 1995: 415-416.
As was discussed in detail in Chapter 2, migratiDn dynamics are not simple or linear
functions of the relationship between pDpulation and natural resources, but a result of a
more complex relationship: population - social relatiDns - natural resources. Hence, to
understand the human displacement dynamics that occurred in Central America during this
period Df intense econDmic, social and demDgraphic transfDrmations it is necessary tD look
at the changes in social relations as well. Pursuing this line of thought what is clear is that
the agricultural modernisation discussed in the preceding pages did not modify the
prevailing oligarquic property regime in the rural sector in most of the countties. On the
contrary, it caused a new wave of accumulatiDn by dispossession to the detriment of the
peasantry and small and medium producers, as well as indigenous lands under collective
Dwnership that were literally 'swallowed' by the Dligarquic haciendas and transnational
enclaves. Land concentration was the result of a creative desttuctiDn process that had three
main outcomes. First, part of both the peasantry and the indigenous population were
forcedly transformed into a sort of rural prDletariat and semi-proletariat, creating the IabDur
necessary fDr the modernisation of capitalist agriculture. Secondly, another part of the rural
population was displaced to new regions of the agricultural frontier" provoking
deforestatiDn in the Pacific and central regiDns Df Central America. Thirdly, an impDrtant
part Df the rural population was expelled tDwards the urban areas creating in a relatively
44
Trontera agrfcola' in Spanish.
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _122
short period of time a great number of shantytowns and 'barrios marginales' or 'precarios'
in all the capitals and important cities of the Central American region.
This process of dispossession was not peaceful but, on the contrary, was full of conflict
and repression.'5 It is not a coincidence that it was precisely during this period when most
of the liberation movements and guerrillas were born in Guatemala, El Salvador, and
Nicaragua.
In relation to the situation in specific countries, this transformation was most evident in
Guatemala, Nicaragua and El Salvador. In fact, in the latter the land colonisation process
(movement to the agricultural frontier) was finished as early as the beginning of the 20,h
century (perez Brignoli, 1985: 31). In the Costa Rican case the penetration and colonisation
modes were different because they were not only driven by big land-owners or
transnational enterprises, but also by small and medium rural producers and peasants, as
well as by cooperatives.
5.2.1 Migration clynamics during the modernisation process (1950-1975)
Duting this period the migration dynamics were the outcome of three different but
intertwined processes: first, the economic and technological transformation of the mode of
production which now demanded less labour (CSUCA, 1978: 346-351); second, the land
concentration process (accumulation by dispossession) that expelled the peasantry; and,
third, the demographic boom in the whole region. These dynamics created a relative
population surplus that was the foundation for an expelling population platform
throughout the region. In schematic terms, for the period 1950-1975 the main migratory
patterns were the following:
- Rural to Urban migration which created the shantytown in most of the Central American
cities and capitals.
- Rural population displacement to new rural regions, in general terms this was towards
primary forests that were cut down by this movement. The peasants cultivated basic grains
for survival. As has been pointed out by some authors (Utting, 1996; Pasos et a/, 1994), the
peasants were dispossessed by the large land-owners, and then, when the peasantry had cut
45 The violence and repression of this period was registered by the protest music and literarure from Central
America Like the beautiful poem from Ernesto Cardenal: (1As mujeres del Cua 11 and the music from CarIas
Mejia Godoy y 105 de Palacagiiina collected in the long play "La Nlleva Miipa", It is not a coincidence that
there is an expression in Central America which says that the best way understand this societies is to read our
literature.
11>esi,'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _123
down the forest, the landlords followed the peasant paths and forced them to sell on their
lands again and to move on to new frontier lands. In spatial terms, this displacement was
oriented from the Pacific side to the central regions in most of the countries. In the
Guatemalan case, however, it was to the North and in the Costa Rican case, it was from the
middle of the country to both the South Pacific and to the Caribbean region.
- In relation to intra-regional international migration, the main expelling country was El
Salvador. The main causes were the combination of the relatively small size of the country,
a relatively high population density and, above all, a very significant level of land
concentration. In this period, El Salvador mainly expelled population to Belize and
Honduras. In the latter case, the presence of Salvadoran immigrants was the main cause of
the wrongly-named flitbol war between El Salvador and Honduras (perez Brignoli, 1989:
144; Sohr, 1988: 93; Woodward, 1999: 294). However, in general terms, the period 19501975 was one of relatively low intra-regional migration, as is shown in Figures 5.11 and
5.12.
Figure 5.11: Central American Immigrants in relation to Total Population,
1950-1970 (percent).
Central America ImmigrantsfTotal Population, 1950-1970
4.5 ~-GR
4 .1-------1
3.5 .I-~
~-_i
.I-~
3
2.5 .I-----=-
2.1----1.5+---1.-,~
0.5
J_~>t.:
o +-l«.<~
1950
Source: CSUCA, 1978: 322.
1960
1970
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _124
Figure 5.12: Central American Immigrants in relation to Total Immigrants,
1950-1970.
Central American Immigrants/Totallmmigrants, 1950-1970
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1950
1960
1970
Source: CSUCA, 1978: 323 (percent). There is no data for Nicaragua 1960 and Guatemala,
Honduras and Nicaragua in 1970.
Figure 5.12 points out two important features of intra-regional migratory dynamics at this
time: on the one hand, the fact that in quantitative terms the levels of immigration were not
very significant (below 5% in all cases);" on the other hand, Honduras is the only country
that shows a significant increase in the immigrant population. In the Costa Rican case,
there was actually an important decrease from 1950 to 1960. Figure 5.12, although
incomplete for lack of information, points out the significance of the intra-regional
migration in relation to the total immigration into the Central American countries.
In the case of the migratory dynamic between Nicaragua and Costa Rica, it seems that the
labour migration that had developed at the beginning of the 20,h century did not continue.
The causes of this change could be related to the long ctises that Costa Rica experienced in
the 1930s and 1940s, but also perhaps to Nicaragua's economic reactivation. However, it is
interesting to point out that, since the 1940s, as a consequence of Somoza's dictatorship a
new migration trend began, that of political refugees. A trend that was going to grow
significantly between the 19508 and the 19708.
46
It is important to take into account that these data are taken from the National Census and for that
reason they only represent the legal or documented migration. In that period, the authors indicated that in
general term the immigrant population was under-registered. For example, in the case of the Salvadorans in
Honduras the author indicated that the real number of immigrant was probably double or triple the data from
the census (CSUCA, 1978).
125
Thesis
5.3 A transition period: socio-economic crisis and civil warfare in Central
America (1975-1979)
A new juncture or transition period started in Central America in the mid-1970s. In fact,
one of the main outcomes of the prevailing accumulation regime in most of the Central
American countries was a deepening of social polarisation that was contested and resisted
by social and political grassroots organisations, political patties and later by guerrillas. This
resistance was reflected in an increase in social protest and riots across the region. In the
rural case, at first social resistance was mainly developed by a vigorous peasant movement
that demanded agrarian reforms and initiated land invasions in all countries. At the peak of
the political upheavals, guerrilla movements were created in Guatemala, El Salvador and
Nicaragua, and with less force in Honduras. It is interesting to point out that land reform
was frequently signalled as a key issue in their ideological programs for the revolutionary
transformation of their societies (Baumeister, 1999; Marti I Puig, 1997). A parallel process
was occurring in the urban areas, with a growing political radicalisation of the population
reflected in a significant increase in social protest against authoritarian political regimes
throughout the region. The resistance was polirically and ideologically diverse, including
catholic organisations,47 student unions, trade unions, and leftist political organisations
forming the fundamental base for the anti-dictatorial struggle and the guerrillas in the
1970s and 1980s (Booth and Walker, 1999: 31-55).
The reaction of the regional power elites to these resistance movements was mainly
coercive, increasing the direct use of force. At first, the repressive measures48 were mainly
directed towards the leadership of grassroots organisations, but as opposition to
dictatorships gained social support, repression was extended to the civil population,
particularly young people who were seen by narional armies and 'intelligence' services as
threats as they were potential guerrillas. As it is explained in a historical perspective by
Perez Brignoli:
The twenty five years of prosperity in Central America initiated atound 1950
provoked important material changes, modifying in an objective mode the life
conditions of a vast majority. These changes generated, in different levels of the social
pyramid, many new voices. The 'not-heard' voices became in the 1970s the most
effective 'yeast' to develop the subjective conditions for insurrection and revolution.'
(perez Brignoli, 1983: 13).
47
Liberation Theology was just beginning at that time but played a significant role in creating political
commitment in different sectors of the population.
48
The measures included torturing, murdering and disappearance of the main leaders and militants of
these movements and organisations.
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _126
At the end of the 1970s a combination of both extra and intra regional factors deepened
the crisis. Among the exogenous factors, the principal was the world economic crisis which
provoked an abrupt contraction of the international demand for Central American export
goods and a consequent price decrease of such products (mainly cotton, banana and
coffee), which was followed by economic stagnation in the region and a significant
augmentation of both private and public international debt (Barraclough et aI, 1988: 5,
Vilas, 1995). At the intra-regionalleve!, an important economic factor was the conttaction
of trade within the Central American Common Market (which had been in a critical
situation since the ''filtho/'' war (1968-1969) between El Salvador and Honduras) as it is
possible to see from Figure 5.15:
Figure 5.15: Interstate Central American Trade as a percentage of Total
Central American Foreign Trade 1950-1979
Interstate Central AmericaTrade Exchange 1950-1979 (%)
30.00%
A
25.00%
20.00%
(
15.00%
10.00%
)
5JJO%
/ -~
"V
---.
l-+- Percent Interstate
/
-/
0.00%
~
h~
,Cih"
0
"
"$
df' df" ",,0 '\<1/' "'\.~"' ) '\
,c¥,cti,qi;i
...............
'\"'" '\""" "'""b . .of:'
. ....rS:-• ....t::-"
Source: Woodward, 1992: 295.
After an accelerated pace of growth from less than 5% of total Central American trade in
1950 to 26% by 1968, the leve! of internal Central American trade fell to 17.8% in 1977.
The addition of this reduction to the international economic crisis, contributed to the
worsening of the social situation in the region.
In the political realm, the electoral triumph of Jimmy Carter in the United States (1976)
implied an important change in US foreign policy towards Latin Ametica, including a new
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _I27
concern for human rights and the reduction of both, economic and military support to
Central American dictatorships. As is pointed out by Woodward,
United States policy took a dramatic turn under the administration of Jimmy
Carter, as he sought to improve the U.S. image abroad and place his country in step
with the march of reform and respect for human rights. His pro-human rights policy
brought stiff opposition from elites in Guatemala and El Salvador, especially after the
overthrow of Somoza in Nicaragua ... ' (1992: 301).
The immediate effect of this change was a weakening of the authoritarian regional order.
At the same time, the indiscriminate use of repression by the dictatorships against the
social movements, grassroots organisations, and civil population, increased the level of
social protest involving growing numbers of people, particularly young people in most of
Central American countries. The eventual consequence of this dialectic between social
repression and social mobilisation was a strengthening of the revolutionary guerrillas in the
region and a total militarization of political conflict (Walker and Armony, 2000: 3-88; Vilas,
2000: 216)
5.3.1 Migration trends in the transition period (1975-1980)
In terms of human displacement and migration dynamics, political violence and military
confrontation in the region provoked important emigration from Guatemalans and
Salvadorans towards Mexico and from Nicaragua to Costa Rica. An important group of
these immigrants were considered political refugees. About these transformations and
trends, Castillo points out the following:
"
this situation suffered a radical change in the mid-seventies. Although the
countries of the region were experiencing a deepening of a socioeconomic crisis
mainly as a consequence of structural factors, there was no evidence of significant
effect of these changes in the international human mobility patterns of their
population. The main changes occurred when the countries suffered political and
military confrontations. Most displacements were directly related to war territories and
repressed zones, but also in an indirect mode with a context of generalised crisis."
(Castillo, 1999:1).
The dominant flow was mainly international migration but initially most displacements
were intra-regional, mainly oriented towards Costa Rica, Belize and Mexico. However, it
was at the end of this period when Central American migration towards the United States
and Canada started. As is pointed out by the Proyecto Estado de la Nation (1999), between
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _128
Thesi~
1970 and 1980 the amount of people from the region that migrated to the United States,
Mexico and Canada more than doubled, passing from 138,000 to 361,000. In this period,
the main contributor was El Salvador whose number of migrants increased from 18,000 to
100,000 emigrants over this period, followed by Guatemala and Panama (proyecto Estado
de la Nacion, 1999).
In relarion to the main causes or expulsion factors, these migration processes were mainly
related to political and military confrontarion between armies and guerrillas in most of the
countries of the region. Many of the inmigrants directly suffered situations of both political
repression and military violence. However, some of these displacements were caused by
other factors, particularly by the general context of social crisis in Central America (Castillo,
1999; OIM/SIEMCA, 2004: 6). In relation to the Nicaraguans case in particular, Costa Rica
became the main provider of polirical asylum for anti-dictatorial Nicaraguan politicians and
also offered shelter to thousands of Nicaraguan who were escaping from military
repression, civil war and social crisis. Although there is not much reliable data for the
period, in part because of the crirical situation, during those years there was a noticeable
increase in the numbers of Nicaraguans in Costa Rica. An indication of this change comes
from the number of Nicaraguans listed in the Costa Rican Censuses of 1973 and 1984. In
the former they totalled 11 ,871 (1.2% of total population), and in the latter they had
reached 45,918 (3.7% of total population)".
To summarise, in this short but intense period of time (1975-1979), migration dynamics
were mainly determined by the situation of political and social crises that most countries of
the region were suffering. These migration dynamics widened the scope of the
transnational migratory spaces reaching Mexico, the United States and Canada. In the
Nicaraguan case, the causality of population displacement was shared with the rest of
Central America, political and military repression and civil war, but most of its migration
was oriented towards Costa Rica and not towards the Northern countries.
Unfortunately, this is a partial indicator because thousands of Nicaraguans crossed the border to
Costa Rica between 1977 and 1979 when the military repression ind war was in the strongest point. After the
Somoza's defeat and the Sandinista triumph. thousands returned to Nicaragua. Hence, the Costa Rican
49
census did not capture these important and massive population movements.
_____________________________________________________________129
The~s,
CHAPTER 6: Migration in times of Revolution and Low Intensity
War in Central America (1980-1990)
The 1980s opened up a juncture of fundamental importance for the creation of the
contemporary transnational social space in Central America. As was pointed out in the
previous chapter, what was begun during that period brought deep transformations to the
region and also had global implications. As has been the case throughout the 20,h century,
US influence and geopolitical weight was a determinant factor in Central America's
development orientation and its main outcomes, including migration trends, during the
period studied in this chapter (1980-1990).
This chapter is divided into three sections. In the first, the impacts of US geopolitics upon
regional development are discussed. In the second section, the main economic
transformations inspired by the global Neoliberal turn are analysed. In the third section, the
main demographic trends in the regional context are discussed, as an important
background for understanding the international migration dynamics. In the same section,
how the interaction of all these factors produced a complex set of international migration
dynamics within the region is analysed. Particular attention is focused upon Nicaraguan
migration towards Costa Rica over this period.
6.1 US Geopolitics and the promotion of Low-Intensity Warfare and
Democracies in the region during the 1980s
In some ways the regional crisis so that was characterised in Chapter 5, was overcome on the
19'h of July of 1979 with the triumph of the Sandinista Revolution in Nicaragua, a political
event that had a very symbolic effect upon the rest of Central America and beyond.
However, a new and different crisis was about to start because of the coincidence of two
political events, the Nicaraguan revolutionary process itself and the arrival of Ronald
Reagan to the US presidency (1981-1989). The Sandinistas developed the first left
revolution in Central America, whilst Reagan started a conservative revolution in the
United States (although it clearly had global impacts), changing the orientation of U.S.
foreign policy by placing "National Security" issues once again at its core. According to this
world-view, Central America and the Caribbean Basin was a region of strategic importance
for the US, as was pointed out by President Reagan in a speech at the Organisation of
In this context, crisis is use as transition, as the action or effect of passing from one mode or state
to other different.
50
Thesisi_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _130
American States in February of 1982 during meetings surrounding the creation of the
Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI),
'Today I would like to talk about our other neighbours -- neighbours by the sea -some two dozen countries of the Caribbean and Central America. These countries are
not unfamiliar names from some isolated corner of the world far from home. They're
very close to home. The country of El Salvador, for example, is nearer to Texas than
Texas is to Massachusetts. The Caribbean region is a vital strategic and commercial
artery for the United States. Nearly half of our trade, two-thirds of our imported oil,
and over half of our imported strategic minerals pass through the Panama Canal or
the Gulf of Mexico. Make no mistake: The well-being and security of our neighbours
in this region are in our own vital interest.' (Cited in Rojas Bolafios, 1988: 19).
The US Government considered the Cuban and Nicaraguan communist and socialist
revolutions and their possible expansion to the rest of the continent as the main threats to
their National Security interests in the region. This view had important political effects in
Central America, as pointed out by Rojas Bolaiios,
'". the rise of Reaganism, with its bipolar image of the World and its aggressive
interventionist agenda towards the region, together with the conditions imposed by
the International Financial Institutions, have provoked the local redefinition of
political and ideological positions, pushing them to the right.' (Rojas Bolafios, 1988:
18).
A good expression of this bipolar mentality, comes from the words of Reagan's
ambassador to the United Narions, the conservative scholar Jean Kirkpatrick, who at the
beginning of the 1980s pointed out that' ... Central America was the most important place
in the world for the United States today .. .' (Cited in Lafeber, 1993: 271).
The main objectives informing US geopolitics towards the region were a) to recover their
regional hegemony which they perceived as increasingly contested by the 'Communist
threat' represented in the first place by the Nicaraguan Revolution and by the Salvadoran
and Guatemalan guerrillas, and b) to create a new stability in the region that favoured their
interests. In relation to the Nicaraguan Revolution, Robinson explains that the US
objective was' ...
to
subvert the Sandinista experiment in popular democracy, to prevent
any transition to a democratic form' of socialism, and to restore the old elite power'.
(Robinson, 1996: 218)
To achieve their objectives, the US changed their approach that had previously been
characterised by their support for dictators and authoritarian regimes as was explained in
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _131
previous chapters. This approach was unsustainable in a region that now had such a high
level of popular and armed resistance, For that reason, the US Government rearticulated a
new geopolitical framework in which the promotion of 'democracy' was placed at the
forefront. This could not, however, be just any sort of democracy, but rather a limited or
facade democracy. This strategy was intended to transform the authoritarian regimes
prevailing in Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador into 'polyarchies' or Low Intensity
Democracies (Robins on, 1996: 2002). The defensive bias of this concept of democracy is
developed in the following secret National Security Council paper of April 1982 quoted by
Lafeber:
We have an interest in creating and supporting democratic states in Central America
that can act free from outside interference. Strategically, Washington must prevent
proliferation of Cuba-modelled states which would provide platforms for subversion,
compromise vital sea lanes and pose a direct military threat at or near our borders.
This would undercut us globally and create economic dislocation and a resultant influx
to the D.S. of illegal immigrants.' (Lafeber, 1993: 271).
It is interesting to observe that as early as the beginning of the 1980s the US power elite
was already worried about a possible 'invasion' of Central American immigrants. As is
discussed later, if one of the main purposes of the political and economic reforms they
promoted in Central America was to stop immigration towards the United States, then the
reforms were a total failure.
The US government at this time articulated a twofold strategy. On the one hand, a hard
side in which they articulated what was known as Low Intensity War (LIW). As part of this,
after 1983, the United States supported (in military, political, and financial terms) the
Nicaraguan counterrevolution that was based in Honduras (1983-1990) and Costa Rica
(until 1987) (Sanahuja, 1996: 271). At the peak of the aggression in 1986, for example, US
agents mined Corinto, the main Nicaraguan port on the Pacific coast. Along the same lines,
the US army trained and supported with military aid the Guatemalan, Salvadoran and
Honduran militaries. In fact, until the mid 1980s, the idea of a direct US military
intervention or invasion was not discarded by the Reagan Administration, but the
possibility of a total war situation in their own backyard and both the internal and
international opposition (particularly from Europe and Latin America)5! restrained them
51
In the case of Europe, the position of Socialist Governments in Spain and France was very
important. In the case of Latin America~
there was a very active position of four countries, namely 1iexico,
Thesi~
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _132
from doing this. The Iran-Contra scandal in 1986 affected the credibility of President
Reagan and his government at the same time as new presidents in Guatemala and Costa
Rica arrived with more auronomous perspectives about how to solve the conflictive
situation of the region. The military option was discarded and substituted for political
negotiation which was the perspective that prevailed at the end of the 1980s. On the other
hand, the soft side of the US strategy involved economic aid and cooperation mainly
channelled by the US Agency of International Development (USAID).
The US geopolitical strategy was not a total failure in the political realm. As was pointed
out above, their main strategic objective was to consolidate Low Intensity Democracies and
to undermine and defeat the Sandinista Revolution and the leftist guerrillas in El Salvador
and Guatemala. By the end of the decade, most of the Central American governments were
chosen through elections, substituring military government for civilian in Honduras (1981),
El Salvador (1984) and Guatemala (1985). Although these elections were not totally free 52,
the United States considered them fully and free democracies. Costa Rica already had a
consolidated democratic regime before the onset of the crisis and Nicaragua held its own
elections in 1984, although they were boycotted internally by a part of the US-backed
political opposition (Lafeber, 1993: 283-326; Vilas, 2000).
As for the Nicaraguan revolution, a decade of US aggression, counter revolution and
internal mistakes progressively undermined their social and political support base. At the
end of the 1980s, as part of the Central American Peace Process that started in 1987 in
Esquipulas (Guatemala), the Sandinista Government agreed to hold elections in February
of 1990, allowing for the participation of the main Contra leaders. In exchange, the
Sandinista government demanded the Contra disarm, a stipulation that was largely met. In
that election, the Sandinista candidate, Daniel Ortega, lost toVioleta Barrios de Chamorro,
the candidate of a very heterogeneous political coalition openly supported by the United
States. 53 That result initiated not only a government change, but a regime change that
allowed for the reinstallation of pro-US power elites from 1990.
Colombia, Panama and Venezuela, that were pushing for a political solution for the conflict in Central
America. Their initiative was know as the Contadora Plan.
52
The elections that were held in Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador did not include the electoral
participation of leftist parties and guerrillas, and for that reason they were exclusive.
53
For art exhaustive explanation of the US intervention in the Nicaraguan election of 1990) see:
Robinson, 1996, 222-239. In fact, US intervention in Nicaraguan elections has continued to the present day
(2006).
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _133
The~s
6.1.1 Structural adjustment and neoliberal development in Central America in the 1980s
If the strategic objective of the military component of US strategy was to impose Low
Intensity Democracies and to defeat the Sandinista revolution, the strategic objective in the
economic component of this strategy was to consolidate a permanent change in the
region's economic structure and, thus, in the style of development. In other words, the US
Government, with the support of the International Financial Institutions and the regional
power elites, promoted a transition to a new accumulation regime based upon a new
transnational insertion of the Central American economies in the global economy
(Robinson, 1996: 230).
The transnational economic reorientation was part of a global scale transformation
promoted by the Group of Seven54 and the International Financial Institutions in the
periphery. Their agenda was to impose the Neoliberal program as a global recipe for all
Third World CountrieS as a response to the international debt crisis that had erupted at the
end of the 1970s and beginning of the 1980s (Mohan et al, 2000; Bie1, 2000). For that
reason, Franz Hinkelammert calls this strategy debt-payment-economy (economia del pago de
la deuda), pointing out that the main objective of Structural Adjustment programs was little
more than to force countries to create surplus in order to continue making international debt
payments (Hinkelammert, 1999). Thus, in the 1980s, the Central American economies became
net capital exporters. For example, between 1984 and1988 these countries transferred almost
US$ 16 billion in debt servicing. However, during the same period the region's external debt
rose by US$ 5 billion, from US$ 19,320 million in 1984 to US$ 24,525 million in 1988
(FLACSO, 2005: 92-94). Mohan et al point out that,
' ... In the case of Central America, between 1981 and 1984 the total debt of the
region grew at an annual rate of 15 per cent (Dolinsky 1990), and by 1987 the foreign
debt of the region was in excess of US$ 19 billion or 89 per cent of the region's GNP
(ibid.). Long term debt servicing consumed over 22 per cent of the region's total
export earnings (ibid).' (Mohan et ai, 2000: 11)
The new mode of development in Central America was therefore an expression of the new
global hegemony exerted by Neoliberalism. Although at first glance, this discourse is
apparently related only to economic issues, it actually constitutes a broader project to create
a new type of society and state, in which the market and its private logic and not the state
would be the main means of social intermediation. The most radical versions of this
54
This group was integrated by the main creditor countries, namely United States, France, United
Kingdom, Japan, Australia, Canada and Germany.
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _134
current propose to reduce the role of the state to an absolute minimum. As highlighted by
Harvey, when explaining the core of the neoliberal philosophy, he points out that
' ... Neoliberalism is in the first instance a theory of political economic practices that
proposes that human well-being can best be advanced by liberating individual
entreprenurial freedoms and skills within an institutional framework characterized by
strong private properry rights, free markets, and free trade. The role of the state is to
create and preserve an institutional framework appropriate to such practices. (... ) It
must also set up those military, defence, police, and legal structures and functions
required to secure private property rights and to guarantee, by force if need be, the
proper functioning of markets. Furthermore, if markets do not exist (in areas such as
land, water, education, health care, social security, or environmental pollution) then
they must be created, by state action if necessary. But beyond these tasks the state
should not venture ... .' (Harvey, 2003: 64)
The consolidation of this new accumulation regime in Central America implied not only
the abandonment of the previous developmentalist style of development,(see Chapter 5)
but furthermore the dismantling of the economic productive base and industtial clusters
that supported the old style. Hence, in the 1980s the region became a sort of Neoliberal
laboratory. Most of the political parties not only did not resist these reforms but they
actually supported them (with total or partial conviction) as the only possible path for
overcoming the economic crisis the region was suffering. As such, during the 1980s most
Central American countries (with the exception of Nicaragua until 1987) applied the new
economic path.
It is important to highlight that this process of reestructuring was imposed by means of
World Bank (WB) funded Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) and International
Monetary Found (IMF) Stabilisation Programmes, These included such measures as:
reduction of the state role in development (including privatisation of public enterprises and·
services), promotion of the private sector through directing public resources and
favourable conditions towards foreign direct investments, reduction of import tariffs, cuts
in subsidies for old industrial products mainly oriented towards the Central American
Common Market (CACM: Nuhn,1995: 19-40), and neW tax exonerations and subsidies for
new and traditional export crops (Mohan et ai, 2000: 33; Vilas, 2000: 211-216, Wilmore,
1997, Zukevas, 2000). Sanchez points out that
' ... (a)t the beginning of the 80's, the Central American Governments in individual
form but with the same orientation, approved laws for export promotions. They
included figures such as exportation contracts, temporal admission regimes and 'tax-
free zones' for exportation. By this means the governments brought incentives and
benefits to the export enterprises. The benefits included rent tax exemption, as well as
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _135
for capital goods and raw material imports, and beyond that direct subsidies to
exportation such as certiftcados de abono tributario (CATs).' (Sinchez, 1995: 12)
At the same time, to guarantee an initial market for those products as well as to tightly link
their production with the US economy, the United States launched two major
development-oriented initiatives. First, in August of 1983 they promulgated the Caribbean
Basin Initiative (CBI) to guarantee free access to the US market for most of eo;:ports from
the Caribbean and Central American countries. It established requirements for participation
which included prohibiting the participation of countries that were considered 'communist'
or did not respect the property rights and legitimate interests of US citizens. In Central
America, these requirements were aimed at Nicaragua which, for obvious reasons, did not
ask to be included (Sanal1Uja, 1996: 246). The CBI was a unilateral concession initially
scheduled for twelve yeats. It played a key role in the transformation of development
strategies in Neoliberal directions and its creation was clearly both geopolitically and
economically oriented.
The second proposal was contained in what was known as the Kissinger Report, produced
by the United States Bipartisan Commission for Central America. The main objective of
this Commission was to create a national US consensus about the causes of and solutions
to the main political, economic and social problems in Central America, in line with the
ongoing US geopolitical and economic interests in the region (Leogrande, 2000). Reflecting
the clear ideological orientation of the message of the Commision, the conservative
National Review of that time pointed out that,
'The commission unanimously agreed that Soviet-and Cuban-backed insurgencies
pose a critical threat to the region's security and recommended a massive increase in
U.S. military aid to El Salvador and other countries to respond to that threat. (... ) The
commission's good judgment did lapse in its assertion that military aid to El Salvador
should be made contingent upon demonstrated progress in the area of human rights.
This is, unfortunately, akin to insisting that a man whose house is burning down
provide evidence that he has complied with all local building codes before offering
him assistance. However, this is one requirement that Congress was almost certain to
insist on anyway, regardless of what the Kissinger report said.
The price tag on the economic-aid program that the commission calls for is
breathtakingly high--some $8 billion over five years--and does not even include the
cost of military assistance and some other forms of aid recommended in the report.
Given the strategic stakes involved, however, the sum is paltry.' (National Review,
1984)
The various initiatives described above created favourable conditions for export production
expansion in the region and also favoured US entrepreneurs already linked to transnational
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _136
production processes as well as their national political and economic partners in the region.
It also created a favourable environment (free taxation and other measures) for future
foreign or national investments through financial and technical support. Because of its antistate bias, it did not contemplate any financial aid for state or public investments. The idea
was to allocate these resources through the private sector and thereby to strengthen its role
in regional development. Beyond this, the US created a legal and political framework that
reinforced the dependent insertion of Central America within a new transnational division
of labour that deepened economic linkages with the US economy. The production and
trading of export-crops and US Foreign Direct Investment were two fundamental
components in the production of this new transnational social space. This phenomenon is
what Helio Gallardo conceptualised as asymmetric globalisation (Gallardo, 1995)
accompanied by deep transnationalisation as conceptualised in detail by William Robinson
(Robinson, 1996).
These changes were operating within' a very conflictive context; two countries were
embroiled in civil wars and one faced ongoing aggression against their revolution. Hence,
for the US Government, it was very important to avoid a situation in which the effects of
the new strategies would trigger conflict (except in Nicaragua) or bring social support to
resistance groups and leftist political parties in El Salvador, Guatemala and Costa Rica55 • To
make changes smoother in those countries, USAID promoted a massive program of
financial cooperation during the 1980s which in combined military and economic aid gave
US$ 2 .. 3 billion to El Salvador, US$ 1.0 billion
to
Honduras, US$ 802 million to Guatemala
and US$ 1.0 billion to Costa Rica (mainly in economic aid along that decade) as could be
seen in the Table 6.1 (Vilas, 2000: 218-221).
Figure 6.1: USAID Assistance to Central America, 1984-1990 (US$ Millions).
Central American
Countries/
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
Costa Rica
168.0
217.1
159.4
178.1
116.4
118.2
92.7
TOTAL
1,049.9
El Salvador
215.9
434.0
322.6
462.9
314.1
307.0
246.7
2,303.2
Guatemala
17.6
103.9
113.7
184.7
128.1
142.8
1121
802.9
Years
Honduras
91.2
224.0
131.4
192.6
150.3
81.2
188.2
1,058.9
Nicaragua
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
0.0
3.5
222.9
226.4
12.1
74.4
33.3
12.1
1.2
0.3
396.6
530.0
Panama
Costa Rica was playing a very strategic role as democratic mirror to confront the Sandinista Revolution
at an ideological level.
55
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _13.7
CA Total USAID
Assistance
Source: DSAID, V.S. Overseas Loans and Grants; PU80 includes Titles I, Il, & Ill; data are for V.S. fiscal
years ending September 30. In: Lank.
htt;p:llwww1.lanic.utexas.edu/la/region/aid/aid96/Assistance/cen.html
The success of the structural transformation could be considered moderate in terms of
economic outcomes. After a deep economic crisis at the end of the 1970s and the beginning
of the 1980s (reflected in negative economic growth rates, high rates of inflation and negative
trade balances) most of the Central American economies started to show slow and irregular
growth in terms of GDP in the mid 1980s (See Figure 6.2), although there were significant
differences between the countries.
In terms of per capita GDP, the regional average continued to decline between 1983 and
1986. Costa Rica was the major exception to this trend, with per capita GDP rising by a
cumulative 5.6% over the same period whilst Honduras also registered a very moderate
growth (Altenburg, 1995: 49).
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _138
Figure 6.2. Central America. Real Gross Domestic Product, 1980-1990 in US$
Millions.
Central America. Real Gross Domestic Product, 1980·1990. (US$ Millions)
14000
,
12000
•••.•.••••••......•......••••••.••••••.........•...•••••. ~
10000
........................................................................... ,
G~"'Il\d.·
...
,
...........
8000
.......................
-:------
6000
-. ---. ----. -.......... -----. --------- --...... _. ----------.....
4000
. . ..... ....
2000
o+-,~
~
1980
i<
;-
.. .
-----.. _ ..
'
Honduras
Nicaragua' .
1985
1990
-+- Costa Rica
7313,5
7385.6
9102,6
___ El Salvador
7468
6468.8
7184
-A- Guatemala
10856,3
10256,2
11840.8
-*- Honduras
2650.2
2859,9
3345.4
____ Nicaragua
2014.4
2073,1
1737.1
Source: FLACSO, 2005.
The regional economic crisis ended at the beginning of the 1980s, and after a period of
stabilisation, economic growth was relaunched at mid 1980s. To analyse the difference
between the period before (1980-1985) and after (1985-1990) the beginning of the neoliberal
strategy, it is useful to compare the economic growth average in two sub-periods 1980-1985
and 1985-1990:
Figure 6.3 Central America. Economic growth average, 19801990,
1980-1985
1985-1990
Count
0,2
4,6
Costa Rica
El Salvador
-2.7
2.2
Guatemala
-1.1
3.1
Honduras
1.6
3.4
-3,2
Nicara a
0.6
Source: FLACSO, 2005.
In relation to the exports that were an important component of the economic take off, the
main indicators show that the outcomes were also irregular, with a very clear 'successful'
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _139
country, namely Costa Rica, and three countries with a relative recovery of their exports,
namely Guatemala and Honduras as is possible to observe in the Figure 6.4,
,
Figure 6.4: Central America. Total Exportations
Millions).
1600
1400
1200
1000
1000.9
~
82 0 •1
800
1354.2
'"
.'..-
::":::
600
400
'-..... 1059.7
~
~1?"A
- 0 - Guatemala
:1 5 •2
- 0 - El Salvador
8056
--t:r- Honduras
~79
450.4
~
1980, 1985, 1990 (US$
In
643.9
~Njcargu
-+-Costa Rica
...............
3~?
33 •
~
200
0
1980
1985
1990
Source: Source: FLACSO, 2005.
The new Neoliberal mode of development introduced new trends: first, a significant
expansion of what were known as new export products. From 1986 to 1990, non-traditional
exports demonstrated an important rise in relation to total exports, growing from US$ 1.1
billion in 1986 to US$ 1.9 billion in 1990 constituting a relative growth of 81 percent and an
annual average growth rate of 20.2 percent for the period (Figure 6.5).
The~s,
_____________________________________________________________140
Figure 6.5: Central America. Total, Traditional and Non-Traditional Exports, 1981-1990,
US$ Millions.
8000
f>
7000
6000
/
Tuming point
\
SOOO
4000 .
3000
2000
'-
.....\
......
~
/
---+- Total Exports
~
---
/'
?
~
---Total traditional exports
-'Tot.~
Non Traditional Exports
~
1000
0
1981
1982
1983
1984 1985
1986
1987
1988 1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
Source: Consejo Monetario Centroamericano. From: Wilmore, 1997.
Costa Rica was the successful case of the period. In percentage terms, its exports rose by
44.2% berween 1985 and 1990, to give an annual average of 8.8%. Guatemala and
Honduras also had relatively good performances in relation to exports. The former's
exports rose 14.3% in that period for an annual average of 2.9%, whilst the figures for the
latter were 11.1 % and 2.2% respectively. Nicaragua and El Salvador, on the other hand,
had poor performances with Nicaragua's exports only increasing by 8.4% over the period
(with an average of 1.7% per year), whilst the value of the latter's exports acrually fell over
the same period by 5.2% (an average of -1.0 per year).
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _141
Figure 6.6: Central American Countries. Total Non-Traditional Exports, 1981-1990,
(USS Millions).
900
800
~"
700
600
500
-~
~
Q. 415 2
400
~
300
200
c-!~
lOO
rib.
~/
/"/
~
-g.~
~
-
-
-
1981
1982
198.3
1984
1985
/
1981'
-<>- Guatemala
--0- El Salvador
---b-Hondutas
~CostaRic
~
'"
1986
~',
"""'*- Nicaragua
~
/y
0
/
/
-
1988
1989
,. 91
1990
Source: Consejo Monetario Centroamericano. Excerpted from: Wilmore, 1997
These results are probably related to the level of military and social conflict each country was
suffering, as well as the level of aid they were receiving from international cooperation,
particularly that of the US (Wilmore, 1997). Thus, Costa Rica had been able to take advantage
of its absence of military or significant political conflicts, as well as its access to financial
cooperation, to create a transnational platform to push its exports; while at the other extreme
Nicaragua had suffered an external military aggression and El Salvador had been in the middle
of a civil war. Although the results of the new style of development were not overly
impressive in terms of economic outcomes, it is clear that the basis for the permanence of this
model was laid down in that period, as is discussed in more detail later.
The range of political and economic transformations described in this section had a significant
impact upon human setdement dynamics in the region, including the use of land and agrarian
structure and access to and distribution of material and symbolic resources. These configured
massIve human displacements and new migration dynamics that are analysed in the next
section.
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _142
6.2 The demographic dimension: Intemational migration trends in the
production ofa transnational sodal space in Central America during the 1980s
It seems clear that during the 1980s US geopolitics and their promotion of a Neoliberal
economic model for the region were significant factors in the configuration of Central
American international migration dynamics. However, as was pointed out in previous
chapters, for our purposes is also necessary to analyse the demographic dimension and how
it interacts with the ongoing transformation in the socio-economic and political realms.
Although this is not a population-oriented research project as such, the demographic factor
is a variable that could not be disregarded in this research because throughout the second
half of the 20,h century Central America has experienced a very changeable demographic
pattern, particularly in the last quarter of the past century. As was discussed in the
theoretical chapter, however, there is no intention here to create a direct and simplistic
connection between population growth and migration. In fact, if the information is
analysed in detail, the trends that the combination of these factors produced in the
individual Central American countries were very dissimilar, with for example a strong
contrast between the two countries with the highest rate of emigration, El Salvador and
Nicaragua. In the case of El Salvador, they provoked a reduction in its relative population
weight in Central America, passing from 22.7 percent in 1980 to 20.4 percent in 1990. In
the case of Nicaragua, the result was the opposite, with an increase from 14.5 percent to
15.3 percent.
Figure 6.7: Central America Total, Relative and Annual Average Population growth in 1970,
1980, 1990
1970
(mill)
COSTA RICA
Total Population (millions)
1.7
EL SALVADOR
Total Population (millions)
3.6
GUATEMALA
5.2
Total Population (millions)
HONDURAS
Total Population (millions)
2.6
NICARAGUA
2.1
Total Population (millions)
CENTRAL AMERICA
15.3
Total Population (millions)
Source: CELADE, 1998. Author elaboration.
(%)
Annual
Average
Growth Per
Year (19801990)
3.0
33.5
3.4
4.6
5.1
11.4
1.1
6.8
8.7
28.3
2.8
3.6
4.9
36.7
3.7
2.9
3.8
31.0
3.1
20.2
25.0
23.9
2.4
1980
(mill.)
1990
(mill)
2.3
Population
Growth
1980-1990
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _143
As can be derived from Table 6.7, during the 1980s the whole region experienced a total
population growth of almost five million people, passing from 20.2 million people in 1980 to
25 million in 1990. This implies a tise of 23.9% and an annual average growth rate of 2.4 per
cent. This average was slower than the 1970s' average growth rate of 3.2 per cent. This
decrease was not, however, distributed in an even manner throughout the countries of the
region. Those with the highest annual rate of growth were Honduras (3.7%) and Costa Rica
(3.4%). The country with the lowest annual rate of growth during this period was El Salvador.
These trends had an impact upon the relative share of the region's total population, with
Honduras and El Salvador moving in opposite directions (see Figure 6.8).
Figure 6.8: Region and Country Population Totals for in 1970, 1980 and 1990 (percents).
Central America Total Population and Country Total Population Relation for 1970, 1980 and 1990
(CP fTP' 100)
100%
SC%
60%
40%
20%
0%
1970
1980
1990
Source: CELADE, 1998. Author's elaboration.
The moderate total population growth and the reduction in its annual pace in the region were
related to a confluence of several factors pulling in different directions. On the one hand,
increases in life expectancy (Figure 6.10) and reductions in child mortality rates (Figure 6.12),
although with significant differences between the countries, contributed to population growth.
On the other hand, factors such as a significant decrease in global fecundity rates (Figure 6.11)
and international migration were the main factors in lowering the pace of population growth
in the Region.
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _144
F" ure 6.9: Central America Po ulation Densi .
1980
1990
Costa Rica
44.9
59.9
El Salvador
219.1
244.1
Guatem ala
626
80.3
Honduras
31.8
43.5
Nicaragua
21.0
27.5
Central America
46.7
59.3
Source: CELADE, 1998. Author's elaboration.
Figure 6.10: Central America Life Expectancy,
Fecundity, 1970-75, 1980-85.
(a)
1970-75
Figure 6.11: Central
1970-75, 1980-85
America
Global
(a)
(b)
1970-75 1980-85
Increase a-b
(b)
1980·85 1(%)
Increase
a-b %
Costa Rica
El Salvador
68.1
73.8
8.4%
Costa Rica
4.3
3.5
-18.6%
58.3
57.1
-2.1%
El Salvador
6.1
4.5
-26.2%
Guatemala
53.9
58.2
8.0%
Guatemala
6.5
6.3
-3.1%
Honduras
54.1
61.6
13.9%
Honduras
7.1
6
-15.5%
Nicaragua
55.2
59.5
7.8%
Nicaragua
6.8
6.2
-8.8%
Central America
57.9
Source: FLAr.SO. 2005..
62.0
7.1%
Central America
6.2
5.3
-14.0%
Source: CELADE, 1998. Author's elaboration
Figure 6.12: Central America Child Mortality Rate 19801990.
1980
1985
1990
Costa Rica
30.4
19.2
16.0
El Salvador
87.3
77
54
Guatemala
82.4
78.8
65
Honduras
81
65
53
Nicaragua
96.6
79.8
65
Central America
75.5
64.0
50.6
Source: FLACSO, 2005.
Taking these factors into account, there are some questions that we now need
to
answer,
namely what were the main international migrarion characteri sties, trends and dynamics
over this period of such rapid change? How did they contrib ute to the production of a
transnational social space in the region and, what were the main characteristics of the
migration dynamic between Nicaragua and Costa Rica in this decade? The author shares
the view of other scholars (Castillo, 1999; Morales et al, 2002; Vargas et al, 1995) who have
pointed out that during the 1980s the mam factor in the production of human
displacements was the political and social violence expressed in civil wars and military
conflicts in three countries of the region. It is also true to say that, although the economic
adjustment and the economic reorientation towards new exp ort activities created some
recovery at the macro level, they also increased poverty and ine quality, negatively affecting
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _145
employment and income levels, factors that induced people to migrate (Vilas, 2000: 216220).
Although internal migration was massive,56 this research is focused upon international
migration in the region and, particularly, in the Nicaraguan and Costa Rica migration
dynamics. Here the region witnessed an increase, but not only was there a quantitative increase
in total out-migrations, there was a process of differentiation in their destinations and
dynamics, which become much more complex than they had been during the previous period.
The first trend to mention was a significant rise in the number of people travelling from
Central America to the North of the continent, but particularly to the United States, which
was the main recipient country of the period. In fact, in 1980 the number of Central
Americans in Mexico and the United States had been 282,000 and yet by 1990 there were
1. 7 million people there, meaning a fivefold increase over the decade. In the case of Central
America immigration to Canada, there was also a big increase with immigrant levels passing
from 4,465 in 1980 to 18,365 in 1986. However, it is clear than the main pulling country
was the United States which was the destination of more than 9 per cent of total Central
America emigration to the North (see Figure 6.14) (proyecto Estado de la Naci6n, 2003;
MIRO,2001).
The immigration to the United States and Mexico had a clear political component reflected
in the anti-Communist and counter-Revolutionary political identity of most of the
Nicaraguan immigrants in Florida. However, there was also an economic component
particularly evident in the case of Salvadoran immigrants living and working in California
and Guatemalan immigrants in Mexico (Vilas, 2000: 222).
Some calculations indicate that there were approximately one million internally displaced people in
the whole region during this period, reaching bet\veen 10 to 15 per cent of the total population in Nicaragua,
56
El Salvador and Guatemala (Cortes Ramos, 2003: 38).
The5i5'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _146
Figure 6.14: Central America Immigration in the United Srates and Mexico, 1970, 1980,
1990.
Central America Migration towards United States and Mexico, 1970~
l0%~-
90%+----
80%+---70%+----
60%1=~
SO%t--1
40%+---
30%+---20%+----
0% +-_ _-..lli
1980
470,648.0
,
Source:~6,201
However, it is important to point out that the massive growth in Central American
emigration to the United States was not a coincidence; it was a consequence of both the
US' geopolitical actions in the region and the permissive immigration policy promoted by
their government as part of their struggle against Communist subversion in Central
America (proyecto Estado de la Naci6n, 1999: 371). In this way, as is pointed out by Vilas,
, ... At the end of the 80s more than 1.3 millions of Central Americans (principally
Nicaraguans, Salvadorans, and Guatemalans were working and sending remittances to their
families .. .' (Vilas, 2000: 217).
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _147
At the regional scale, migration movements and dynamics were no less massive and significant
than the out-regional trends. There was important migration from Guatemala and El Salvador
to Belize, in such a way that by the end of the 1980s the immigrant population (including
registered and not-registered refugees and immigrants) was calculated at 20 per cent of the
total population of Belize (Fundacion Arias para la paz y el Progreso Humano, 2000; Moss et
al, 1992: 161-167).
Over this period, refugees were an important component of Guatemalan migration. Mexico
was the main recipient with approximately 40,000 formal refugees and 150,000 nonrecognised immigrants and refugees. In the Salvadoran case, it is important to remember that
it was and still is the most relatively populated country of the region
Cm terms of the relation
population/per sq. km). In this decade, El Salvador expelled approximately 20 percent of its
total population, with almost one million emigrants. Almost 200,000 Salvadorans moved to
Guatemala, between 50 and 100,000 emigrated to Mexico, almost 40,000 to Honduras and
more than 20,000 to Nicaragua. However, the main destination of Salvadorans was the United
States, where approximately 500,000 Salvadoran immigrants arrived during the 1980s
transforming this tiny country into a massive expeller of human population. Later on these
trends and dynamics would become a very important component in the creation of a
transnational social space between the region and the United States.
As was pointed out earlier, in terms of size, Nicaragua became the second most important
expelling-population country in the region with almost 700,000 people living outside the
country by the end of the decade. This migration was distributed mainly between Costa
Rica (270,000), Honduras (200,000), the United States (170,000), and Guatemala (40,000),
meaning aproximately 20 per cent of its total population had migrated (Stein et al, 1992: 6771; Membrefio, 2001: 103).
In terms of the causation of migration, an important part of this international displacement of
population was provoked by the war. Another significant part was a consequence of
ideological differences with the revolutionary process, particularly clear in the cases of peasant
concerns about agrarian reform, the ethnic conflict with the Miskito indigenous population
and young people seeking escape from the compulsory military service at the end of the
decade. In this context, the number of Nicaraguan refugees in Honduras and Costa Rica
increased as never before. A salient point of the Nicaraguan migration in this period was the
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _-'-_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _148
fact that those who were leaving the country belonged to all social classes. However, there was
also a clear destination differentiation related to dass, the upper class and middle class
migration was mainly directed to the United States, whilst the migration from low-income
classes was mainly directed towards Costa Rica and Honduras. Of course, there were
exceptions, but these were the main trends in terms of the social origins of international
migration (Membreno; 2001: 104; Walker, 1997: 8-14; Robinson, 1997a: 23-25; Brockett, 1998:
156-184; Butler; 1997: 220-222; Serra, 1993: 21-44).
Figure 6.15: Nicaraguan population living in other countries, 1980-1988
(thousands).
Nic Migration
Nic Migration
1980
Destiny Per
1988
Countries
Destiny Per
Country (%)
Count %
Costa Rica
45,885.0
285,000.0
42.2
42.7
United States
44,166.0
40.7
170,000.0
25.5
Honduras
15,149.0
13.9
203,000.0
30.4
El Salvador
NoO.
N.D.
4,000 .0
0.6
Mexico
2,312.0
2.1
Guatemala
1,098.0
1.0
2,566. o
2,133 .0
0.4
0.3
TOTAL
108,610.0
666,69 9.0
Source: Excerpted from Membrefio, 2001: 103 (Cuadro No. 12) (reworked by the author).
As is clear from Figure 6.15, from the beginning of the 1980s, ap proximately 95 per cent of
Nicaraguan migration was acounted for by the three countries of C osta Rica, the United States
and Honduras. The following section analyses the principal dynamics of the migration to these
destinations.
6.3 The growing importance of the migration dynamic between Nicaragua and
Costa Rica during the 1980s
In this period Costa Rica became the most important reelpient country of Central
American immigration. Most of their immigrants were coming from Nicaragua,
representing almost 45% of the total between 1980 to 1990. I n fact, there were 35,000
recognised refugees, 80,000 non recognised refugees and more than 170,000 Nicaraguans
belonging to other categories induding labour migration, in Cos ta Rica during that period.
In demographic terms, this was a very young population w'lth 54 per cent of these
immigrants being under 15 years old. Most of the Nicaraguan refugees were from the
poorest sectors (Vargas et aI, 1995: 66-69).
2
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _149
At the end of the decade, with the consolidation of the Peace process in Central America
and the realisation of presidential elections in Nicaragua (1990) which were won by Doiia
Violeta Bartios de Chamorro, the outflow of Nicaraguans to Costa Rica not only
diminished but, at the beginning of the 1990s, reversed as thousands of migrants returned
to Nicaragua.
Conclusions
During the 1980s there was an intense mobilisation of human population within each country
(internal migration), within the region and outside the region. The main factor producing this
mobility was related to militaty conflicts and political violence, which in a significant part was
the result of U.S. geopolitics towards Central America. However, this period also saw the
beginning of the Neoliberal era in the region and the promotion of a new export-oriented
development style. Because of effects such as wealth concentration and increasing poverty,
this style of development was not able to reduce out migration, but to the Contrary, taking into
account the fact that many of the displaced population were poor, it could be reasonably
concluded that this new style was part of the pushing factors that stimulated out migration.
In terms of identified trends which are important
to
this research, we can highlight the fact
that Nicaragua became the second most important country in terms of the production of
migration flows out of and within the region, in the former case to the United States and in
the latter case to Honduras and mainly to Costa Rica. In terms of the production of a
transnational social space involving the whole region and the United States (but also intraregional spaces), this period was fundamental for the creation of a first strong transnational
link. This will be discussed in chapter 7, when the particular articulation between Nicaragua
and Costa Rica is thoroughly explored.
Thesi~
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _150
CHAPTER 7: Neoliberal Development and the production of a new
migratory transnational space between Nicaragua and Costa Rica in
the 1990s
The two previous chapters analysed the evolution of the relation between style of
development and the production of migratory processes, particular attention was drawn to
of the evolving migration dynamics between Nicaragua and Costa Rica at different
moments of the twentieth century (spanning the labour migration dynamics at the time of
the banana enclaves at the end of the 19th centuty up to the political migration waves of
the 1970s and 1980s).
One of the salient characteristics of the previous migration flows is that in these cases, the
meso-link, namely social networks, that connected the original society with the host society
were not so evident or solid like present situation. Thus, while the current migration
dynamics could be named as transnational, the previous are better defined as international
migration flows.
This chapter brings the stoty up-to-date and explains how the mam changes in the
development process in both, Costa Rica and Nicaragua explain the production of a new
migratory transnational space with a set of complex migration dynamics that articulate in an
assymmetricai mode both societies.
7.1 Main characteristics and effects of the Neoliberal transformation in Central
America in the 1990s
In historical terms, the period studied in this chapter began at a moment of dramatic
geopolitical, economic and ideological ttansformation at different scales. The most
important one was the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Socialist Bloc,
implying the end of the Cold War Geopolitical Order. Other changes were related to US
internal politics, meaning the arrival of the Bush Government (1988) with a more
pragmatic approach to the Central American situation. Other factors emerged at the
regional scale, such as the coincidence of a majority of presidents in Central America in
favour of a political solution to the military conflicts within the region. As a consequence
of the combination of these factors, the Peace Plan for the region came to reality when it
was signed by the five presidents of the Central American countries in 1987, finishing the
military conflicts and pushing for elections with the participation of the guerrillas and other
military groups in Nicaragua (1990), El Salvador (1992) and Guatemala (1996). A new
period started in 1990 with the FSLN's electoral defeat meaning, not just the end of the
The@s,_____________________________________________________________151
only ongoing revolutionary process in the region, but also the deepening of Neoliberal
hegemony in the region.
In relation to US geopolitics, the election of William Clinton as president of the United
States in 1992 created a new situation. The new Democrat administration changed the
strategic orientation towards the region, reducing its importance within the US'
international agenda and also emphasising the economic (trade, economic aid) dimension
instead of the geopolitical/ strategic one. The main impact of this change was the deepening
of the market-oriented Neoliberal economic policies which were now increasingly being
promoted by the Central American governments and power elites themselves. Although
these reforms started during the 1980s (including under the final years of the FSLN
government in Nicaragua), they were consolidated in the 1990s under further US and IFI
orientation. Local embracing of this agenda was strongest in El Salvador and Nicaragua,
where radical right-wing Neoliberally-inclined groups took control of the government.
Refortn continued to be more gradual in Costa Rica, in part as a consequence of the strong
opposition of social movements and organised sectors of civil society to privatisation
intents and proposals (Vilas, 2000: 222-228; Robinson, 1997b: 33-66; and 2001: 529-563).
The combination of these policies produced a good example of Harvey's (2003) idea of
accumulation by dispossession privatising previous public economic assets in to the hands
of transnational enterprises as well as in favour of the national oligarquies. In terms of
capital accumulation, this process strengthened and expanded five main axis namely, first,
agro-export crops; second, the maquilas and industrial free trade zones; third, the tourism
industry; fourth, the financial sector and five, the economic activities related to
transnationallabour migration (Robinson, 1997b; Cortes Ramos, 2003).
The balance sheet for this growing process of transnationalisation is not positive. Among
the main achievements are macroeconomic stability, export growth and diversification, a
significant increase in foreign direct investment and dramatic growth in the maquila
industry. However, the negative aspects are also significant and evident, including the basic
fact that economic growth has been moderate with a majority of the countries' average
annual GDP growth falling between 3.5 and 4.5 percent from 1991 to 2002 (see Figure
7.1). This is much lower than the average annual growth obtained during the previous style
of development between 1955 and 1975 (6 percent).
The~s,
_____________________________________________________________152
Figure 7.1: Central American Countries. Gross Domestic Product Annual Growth
Rate, 1991-2002.
6,0
5,0
4,0 -
t.
3,0
2,0
~
-f
'\!\
v:~
\<2
'
~47
3,2
~4
~,
J2,2
1,0
0,0
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
Year
Source: FLACSO, 2005: 126.
Exports clearly do show a significant growth over this period but this positive outcome
should not hide the increase in the overall trade deficit during the same period, as can be
observed in Figure 7.2. The main cause of this growing gap is the fact that the rise in
imports continues to be higher than the rise in exports (proyecto Estado de la Naci6n,
2003: 103; Nowalski, 2002). As a result, the regional trade deficit grew from US$ 2.5 billion
in 1990 to US$ 9.1 billion in 2000 (Stein and Arias, 1992: 37).
The~s,
_________________________________________________________153
Figure 7.2: Central American countries. Exports, Imports and Trade Balance, 19902003.
30.000
25.000
20.000
.2"'
15.000
t:
10.000
...
5.000
::J
0
E
ll)
-5.000
~
~19
n i- l 1
1
1992
1993
.....
1994
1995
1996
-+1997
'41998
-+-
199.
-+-
2001
42002
2003 a/
---/
-10.000
-15.000
42000
=
I
Imports
=
Exports ......... Balance I
Source: ECLAC. www.eclac.cl
An important structural feature of the trade dynamic was the fact that most production was
oriented towards the United States (61% approximately), this level of geographical
concentration clearly increased the dependency of the Central American economies upon
the US (proyecto Estado de la Naci6n, 2003: 109-111; Nowalski, 2002: 28-29). In relation
to the wider impacts of the growth of the export sector in this period, in terms of cluster
generation and economic chains (vertical integration), impacts were relatively limited
because of the enclave logic of the free trade zones and garment industries (maquilas).
Traditional and non-traditional agro-export activities mainly require unskilled labour that
has largely been supplied by labour migration. These activities have been weak in terms of
value addition and also in terms of cluster and chain generation (proyecto Estado de la
Naci6n, 2003: 130-131).
In relation to labour markets, N owalski points out that this style of development has
produced economic growth without employment (crecimiento sin empleo) (Nowalski,2002:
109). In fact, the main economic activities were unable to create enough jobs
to
absorb the
annual rate of growth of the labour force during this period. This situation is particularly
worrying, when you take into account the fact that Central America is a region with high
_____________________________________________________________1.54
The~s
rates of population growth. Aside from this, the Neoliberal economic policies and the
process of accumulation by dispossession through privatisation and state contraction also
contributed to the growth of unemployment and underemployment. Nicaragua was an
extreme case where, as a consequence of a series of privatisations, the number of public
employees passed from 55,000 workers to 12,500 between 1990 to 1995. The situation was
particularly critical in the rural sector where the undermining of the peasantry (and their
basic grain production for local and national markets) increased, not only rural-to-urban
migration, but also international migration.
Another important element to point out in relation to labour markets is the quality of the
jobs that were created in this period. In general terms, the main trend was towards
deterioration in the quality of jobs, as well as a growing informalisation of labour markets.
Many jobs do not fulfil minimum requirements in terms of labour rights including, for
example, a failure to make social security payments or pay the minimum wage to cover
basic needs. As is pointed out by Proyecto Estado de fa lligion (2003: 47-48),
' ... the new jobs were not the more adequate. It is estimated that of every 100 new
jobs generated between 1990 and 1999, 31 were created in the formal sector, 12 in
agriculture and farming, and 57 in the non-formal sector. Hence, for the year 2000 is
estimated that 30.1 percent of the 13.7 millions of workers in the labour market
belonged to the formal sector, 39.3 percent in the non-formal sector and 30.6 percent
in agriculture and farming. Three of every five Central American women were working
in the non-formal sector ... the main problem with these kind of jobs is they belong to
economic activities with low productiviry and produced clusters of poors. Thus, in the
year 2000 the poverry level among the agriculture workers was 69 percent, in the nonformal workers 40.4 percent and.18.7 percent in the formal workers. 57
The combination of these factors with a deterioration in the quality and coverage of public
services generated an uneven distribution of the fruits of economic growth, increasing the
already dramatic levels of economic and social inequality and extending the gap between
the richest and the poorest sectors within Central American society. By 2001 half of the
Central American population were living below the poverty line and one of every four
persons was living in extreme poverty, situations that contributed to generate structural
bases for the production and reproduction of human displacements. Again, this situation
has been particularly critical in the rural areas and in the indigenous population as can be
seen in Figure 7.3,
57
Free translation by the author.
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _155
Figure 7.3: Central America. Total, Urban and Rural Poverty.
Central America Total poverty
90,---------------------------------------,
+-~
70
+-~_'C"I
__~-
80
60+--1
'_--"'1_1 l-----'="'-j
59,9
!-,r5~
50 +-r--:r--I 1--------45,5-/
%
t-------40+':~
GTotal
• Urban poverty
Cl Rural poverty
30
20
10
o
Source: Proyecto Estado de la Naci6n, 2003: 49.
In terms of inequality and income distribution, Central America has kept the patterns of
the rest of the Latin American region, which is considered the most uneven region of the
world. Nicaragua and Guatemala are the countries with the most uneven income
distribution of the region and, at the other extreme, is Costa Rica with the most even
income distribution within the region as can be observed from Figure 7.4.
Costa Rica
El Salvador
Guatemala
Honduras
Nicara a
Re 'onal income distribution and ine uali ,2000.
Following
Gini
Poorest 40%
30%
Coefficient
15.3
25.7
0,473
13.8
25.0
0,518
0,582
12.8
20.9
11.8
0,564
22.9
10.4
0,584
22.1
Following
20%
29.7
29.1
26.1
28.9
27.1
Richest 10%
29.4
32.1
40.3
36.5
40.5
Source: Proyecto Estado de la Nacion, 2003:, 69.
This trend reflects the as symmetrical or uneven development within the region and also
contribute to explain the orientation of the studied migration from Nicaragua to Costa
Rica.
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _156
The economic transformation and the growing inequality in the region was accompanied
by political corruption, a factor that contributed to the weakening of the 'horizon of hope'
(horizonte de esperanza) of the population, particularly for the young people of the region.
This phenomenon is particularly strong in Nicaragua, where two former presidents (Ortega
and AJemin) were accused of embezzlement and misappropriation of funds. It is not a
coincidence that in a survey carried out by the University of Central America (DCA) in
Managua two thirds of the respondents consistently say that they have thought about the
possibility of migrating to Costa Rica or the United States as an option for personal or
familial survival. At the end of the day, expectations and hopes are important part of the
subjective motives of the individuals in the decision to leave or stay (Cortes, 2003).
The Neoliberal orientation and the deepening of a regional development with a growing
transnational component also had an impact on population displacements through different
transnational migration dynamics within and beyond the region. These processes have
transformed the Central American countries into a population expelling platform,
particularly in the form of labour. It is ironic that fifteen years after the end of the main
military conflicts, the region is expelling more of its population than in any other moment
of its recent history. In fact, more than 5 million of the 35 million Central American people
are living in a different country to the one that they were born in.
Figure 7.5: Evolution of the proportion of the US population born in
Central America 1970-2000 (thousands).
1970
1980
1990
2000
2001
Costa Rica
16,7
29,6
77,0
39,4
116,0
El Salvador
15,7
94,4
465,4
765,0
1.118,0
Guatemala
63,1
17,3
225,7
327,0
627,0
Honduras
39,1
19,1
80,5
250,0
362,0
Nicaragua
44,2
16,1
168,6
245,0
294,0
270,4
Total
84,9
979,6
1.664,0
2.517,0
Source: Baurneister, 2006. For the years 1970-2000 the data is from the US National
Census. In the case .of the year 2001 the data was obtained from Logan (2001) quoted by
Baumeister. The data included regular and non-regular immigrants.
Figure 7.5 highlights the impressive growth in the number of immigrants flowing from
Central America to the United States, strengthening the already existing transnational
linkages between the two. In general, the country with the highest number of emigrants is
El Salvador, with 2.8 million, followed by Guatemala and Nicaragua, both with
approximately one million emigrants (OIM, 2001).
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _157
It is important to highlight that, at least initially, the new transnational migtation trends
were more of an unintended outcome or consequence of the impacts of neoliberal policies,
rather than an explicit economic objective of the Neoliberal economic strategy.
Nevertheless, at the end of the day, these dynamics created a new political economy in
which .labour force displacement was to become a fundamental part of the process of
capital accumulation in this transnational development. In fa ct, the growing movement of
population within and beyond the region was very functio nal to the power elites of the
region and their foreign business partners for at least rwo m ain reasons. On the one hand,
the departure of thousands of relatively young people at a ve ry productive moment of their
lives reduced the pressure on the labour markets and the p ublic services of the expelling
sociery whilst, on the other hand, most of those who have Ieft their native countries have
kept strong links with their families, a connection expressed, among other manifestations,
through the sending of remittances. By the end of the 1990s, remittances had become one
of the most important sources of income for most Central A merican countries.
Figure 7.6: Central America. Remittances and its relation to GDP, 1995-2002. (US$
millions and percent).
2002
1995
1998
1996
1997
Guatemala
Remittances
Remittances/GDP (%)
El Salvador
Remittances
Honduras
Remesas
Nicaragua
Remittances
Remittances / GDP (%)
Remittances / GDP (%)
Remittances / GDP (%)
349.7
3.5
1,060.8
16.4
120.0
3.0
75.0
4.1
362.7
3.7
1,086.6
16.5
128.4
3.1
95.0
4.9
387.5
3.8
1 ,199.5
14.5
160.0
3.7
150.0
7.0
423.2
4.0
1332.8
18.8
n.d.
nd.
200.0
8.9
1,689
3.1
1,935
17
720
7.5
660.0
22.0
,Source: Baumeister, 2006.
Thus, as pointed out by Morales and other scholars, the transnational dimension of the
new migtation dynamics of the region are synthesised by the gtowing importance of the
remittances sent by the migtants to their relatives in the country of origin. In fact,
remittances have become a significant component of the mac ro-economic aggtegates of all
Central American countries and also a fundamental source of complementary income for
millions of urban and rural households in the region (Morales , 1999a, 2002; Orozco, 2003).
The amount and periodiciry of remittance sendings to their relatives highlights the solid
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _158
link or bond between the immigrants and their communities of origin, a feature that was
not present in previous waves of migration in the region.
Although the main transformations of this period were developed at the regional scale,
particularly the transition to liberal democracies or poliarchies at the political level and the
deepening of a Neoliberal transnational style of development (Robinson, 1996), the
content, form, procedures and rhythms or temporalities of the reforms and adjustments
had particularities in each country. In relation to this thesis, it is particularly important to
understand the differences in the process of structural transformations between Nicaragua
and Costa Rica. Nicaragua was the country that suffered the most radical and deepest
privatisation of any country in the region over a very short period of time from the early
1990s. In contrast, Costa Rica is the country where the Neoliberal process of
transformation has been developed at the slowest pace, in significant part because of the
social and civic opposition
to
any privatisation attempts. Nevertheless, in the economic
realm, particularly in terms of the orientation of economic structure to external markets,
Costa Rica was, together with El Salvador, the country with the deepest rate of openness.
The expansion of export-oriented economic activities required a significant amount of
extra labour that could not be supplied from purely national sources. This created a rare
situation of historical coincidence in which Nicaragua was expelling population when Costa
Rica needed it. This coincidence contributed in a significant way to the production of a
complex set of transnational migration dynamics which are discussed in more detail in the
following section.
7.1.1 Neoliberal transformations and the production of a migratory transnational articulation
between Costa Rica and Nicaragua in the 1990s
The existence of a functional historical coincidence between Nicaragua and Costa Rica in
which the former country was transformed into a population expelling society and the
latter into a population pulling country has to be explained in accordance with the
theoretical premise of this thesis, which is that migration dynamics cannot be explained by
themselves but only in relation to the development processes of both societies, the
recipient and the country of origin. Accordingly, this section has a twofold objective, first,
to explain the main changes in the style of development in the 1990s in both Nicaragua and
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _159
Thesi~
Costa Rica and, second, to explain how these changes contributed to the articulation of
transnational migration dynamics between the two countries.
7.1.1.1 Nicaraguan Neoliberal transformation after 1990s and the production of a country
with relative population surplus
As mentioned before, the Nicaraguan case was an exception, in the sense that at the time
that the neoliberal perspective was being consolidated across the region, it was the only
country of the region that was trying to build a revolutionary process, through a radical set
of political, economic, social and cultural transformations with a popular orientarion. For
that reason, the electoral defeat of the Sandinistas by a US-supported political coalition in
1990 implied a radical reorientation in all aspects of the country.
The three governments from 1990 to 2003 were pro-US and anti-Sandinista, and were
enthusiastic promoters of Neoliberal policies, including massive privatisation of state
properties and economic liberalisation in both external and internal sectors.
Several important institutional and economic transformations which occured during this
period contributed to the production of an expelling population platform, the most
significant of these were, first, the massive reduction of the number of soldiers in the army.
The deactivation of the political and military conflicts allowed for the reduction of the
National Army as well as its institutionalisation. 58 This change was reflected in a significant
reduction of their members from eighty thousand to fifteen thousand. The Proyecto Estado de
la Naci6n estimate that military spending fell from 28% of GNP in 1989 to 1.5% in 1996;
whilst Fitzgerald, Briick and Grigsby suggest that it fell from 16-18% in the period 19851990 to 5-6% during the 1990s (Fitzgerald et ai, 2001: 11; Proyecto Estado de la Naci6n,
1999: 197 Walker, 2000: 80). The former members of the Army were supposed to receive
land and credit from the Government to get reinserted in a productive mode in Nicaraguan
society. Eventually, however, neither dofia Violeta Bat'lios nor Arnoldo Aleman fulfiled their
duties in relation to these commitments. Second, the total demobilisation of the Contra
(more than 15,000 men in arms). The new Government was committed to giving the excontras the same treatment given to the former members of the Army, that is access to
land and economic aid, but, ultimately, the promises and commitments were not honoured
by the government. The government failed in providing access to land and credit to both
During the Revolution the Army was named 'Ejircito Popular Sandinista (EPS)', after the elections in
1990, a new name was given to it: P-jircito National de Nicaragua'.
58
Thesis;________________________________160
an important group of ex-contras and ex-compas,59 generating great economic and social
difficulties and uncertainties in many rural communities. This was a key factor in the
creation of rural emigration to Costa Rica, particularly from the North of the country
(Armony, 1997: 203-218).
However, the significant transformations went well beyond the army and contra
demobilisations. In the economic realm, the Chamorro Government saw the 'Free' market
as the main driving force behind, and private enterprise as the only possible engine to
achieve, economic development. As Arana points out:
'It was moving from war to peace and the demobilisation and resettlement of
previous combatants; from a restriction of civil and political rights in the face of
foreign aggression and domestic discontent to a more democratic and open society
that enjoyed renewed press freedom; and from a highly regulated economy and statecentred accumulation model to a market-based system undergoing a Neoliberal
adjustment and stabilisation program' (1997: 81).
The transformation of Nicaraguan economic strucrure was oriented rowards an asymmetric
reinsertion of Nicaragua into the global economy. This process involved reinforcing and
diversifying export crop production; the development of extractive activities, mainly mining
and the attraction of 'maquiladoras' to free zones based upon labour force overexploitation
(Fitzgerald et al, 2001; World Trade Organisation, 1999; Close, 1999). In fact, the
Chamorro Administration pursued an ambitious policy of privatisation (Close, 1999: 126-
137).
In the rural sector there were important changes. Among the principal of these we could
mention60 State privatisation and private land market creation. As an outcome of the
privatisation policy, by 1994 the National Corporation of State Enterprises (CORNAP) had
privatised, or liquidated 343 out of a total of 352 state enterprises, including state
agriculrural enterprises. Among the groups that gained were ex-land or enterptise owners61 ,
co-operative workers and peasants. (Arana, 1997: 86)
Of all the properties that were
S9 Namely 'recontral, in the case of the former contras and 'recompas', in the case of the former members of the
Army. In some cases they acted together under a 'carnpesino' common identity.
60 There is a very extensive literamre about the Chamorro Government (1990-1997), which is not the case
with the Aleman Government (1997-2002). However, in general the main trends of economic transformation
were maintained during the Aleman and Bolaiios administration and it responded to an international
reinsertion of the country in the global economy with the support of the international financial institutions.
It is important to mention that many of the fonner owners of properties expropriated during the
revolutionary years returned as US citizens and for that reason counted on the support of the US Embassy in
Managua that opened up a particular office for this purpose. Antoruo Lacayo, Minister of Presidency and son
in law of President Chamorto, called them 'gringos cai/udal, This group rejected any compensation, except their
former lands. By the year 2000, 3317 property cases had been favourably resolved for V.S. citizens, with 800
61
still left. (NicaNet, 2000a)
Therus,_____________________________________________________________161
privatised, land was the most demanded asset." By 1993, a partial report revealed that of
the privatised state agricultural enterprises, 35 percent were returned to former owners, 31
percent was divided among former state workers, while the remaining 34 percent was given
to demobilised combatants (Jonakin, 1997: 102).
All these changes implied a deep transformation of the rural world. As is shown in Figure
7.7, during the period 1988-93 the main beneficiaries of the changes in agrarian structure
were the small- and medium-sized producers; these grew from 47.1 percent of the arable
land in 1988 to 70 percent in 1993.63 Large estate owners were also beneficiaries of the
changes, shifting from 21 percent in 1988 to 26 percent by 1993. The Sector Agricola
Reformado64 practically disappeared, passing from 31.8 percent in 1988 to 2 percent in 1993,
Figure 7.7: Changes in Land Tenure Structure between 1988 and 1993 (percentages).
Estate Size/Property Form
1988
1993
Small- and Medium-Scale Farms
47.1
18.7
71
39
-
21
-
10
28.4
6
2
32
State farms
21
13.5
7.5
31,8
20.1
11.7
26
16
10
2
2
0
Other
Total
-
99.9
2
101'
Less than 50 mz1
Non-SAR: Private
SAR lands: parceled co-ops and
Individual lands
Post-SAR lands: primarily
former combatants
Post-SAR lands: APT members
50 to 200 mz
Large-Scale Estates
200 to 500 mz
Greater than 500 mz
SAR'sector(Untronsformed)
Coperativs~
Source: Jonakin, 1997: 109,
1. Abbreviation for manzana, or 1.7 acres.
2. Sandinista Agrarian Reform.
3. Figures for 1993 represent only the non-parce1ed collective cooperatives or CAS.
4. Percentage figures from source document totalled 101 percent.
Land privatisation was accompanied by land market liberalisation, which implied that beneficiaries of the
redistribution of state lands through privatisation could sell their land if they wanted. This was an important
change compared to the Sandinista Agrarian Reform that had banned individual beneficiaries (as well as
members of cooperatives) from selling their land,
63 The first wave of massive transference of public properties to small and medium farmers was done by the
FSLN in the transition period between their electoral defeat (26 th of February) and the change of government
(24th of April), by means of the Laws 85, 86, and 88. These laws were known as 'la piiiata', because the
Sandinista leadership took advantage of them to keep in their hands the most productive and biggest estates
and properties (Close, 1999: 163).
64 Sector Agricola Reformado is Agriculture Reform Sector.
62
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _162
The~s
At first glance, this could seem like a democratising redistribution of land, but in fact it
gave rise to a massive process of land reconcentration. The creation of a private land
market was a major factor behind this process during both the Chamorro and the Aleman
Governments. Tbe lack of legal security for peasantry properties,65 the State's withdrawal
from the technical support of rural producers, and credit concentration in the hands of
large scale landowners, forced thousands of peasants and small producers to sell their
properries at very under-valued prices to former landowners and other members of the
power elite (including part of the former revolutionary Sandinista leadership) in a typical
process of accumulation by dispossession. In addition
to
these factors, during the Alemin
administration (1996-2001) political corruption increased to impressive levels, with
prominent members of the government using their position to take advantage of
impoverished peasants, buying massive amounts of lands in many cases using public
resources. The president himself was involved in such corrupt practices (Nicanet, 2001;
Elton, 2002).
The main peasant organisarion leadership has aggressively denounced the insecurity that
now exists in the rural world. For example, Sinforiano Ciceres, President of the National
Federation of Farm Industry Cooperatives (FENACOOP), argued that
' .. .in 1999 alone, nearly a million acres farmed by 436 coops, had been lost. Peasants
were losing their land through bank foreclosure due to the current drought, and
pressure to sell to a new 'landed gentry', drawn from among political and military
leaders, including Sandinistas.'
He also criticised
'U.S. pressure to return lands confiscated from Nicaraguans who later became U.S.
citizens, claiming that one third of the land distributed during the Sandinista Agrarian
Reform had been taken back.' (quoted in NicaNet, ZOOOb)
It is important to note that where potential and real conflicts are most serious (and where
the interests are most evident) is around the most productive lands. By the end of the
65
2000: 95).
Marti points out that in 1995 approximately 40 percent of land were in legal dispute (Martf I Pulg,
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _163
1990s, less than 30 percent of this land was not involved in some kind of dispute over
ownership (Envio, 1997: 3).
Another important structural or institutional transformation was the contraction of public
expenditure and state withdrawal from many functions. In fact, public expenditure fell
from 41.3 percent of GDP in 1988 to 17.5 percent in 1992 and 1993 although the
expenditure levels as state spending started to fell in 1989 under FSLN governmente. As a
direct result, thousand of workers were laid off, which dramatically increased
unemployment and underemployment, and hence, poverty·•• (Arana, 1997: 92-93),
'Nicaragua is one of the poorest countries in Latin America; its per capita GNP is only
one third the regional average. Of thirty-three Latin American countries, Nicaragua is
the poorest after Haiti. It is thus not surprising that, based on the consumption index,
almost one half (47.9 percent) of Nicaragua's popularion are poor. This is equivalent
to 2.3 million people, of which 830,000 (17.3 percent) are extremely poor. Measured
by the UBN method, poverty rises to 72.6 percent, and extreme poverty to 44.7
percent. Measured by the income distribution method, overall poverty is 60.0 percent
and extreme poverty is 33.5 percent. Although the incidence of poverty remained high
in 1998, there was a small reduction compared to 1993.' (Gobierno de Nicaragua,
2000).
Independent sources argued however that, despite the government figures suggesting that
poverty levels were improving, in reality poverty was actually worsening (CINASE, 2000).
This is consequence of the reduction of formal employment, increase in both
unemployment, and under-employment, as well as upon the quality of the jobs that were
worsened with a significant growth in the level of informal jobs as can be seem from Figure
7.8.
Figure 7.8: Nicaragua. Formal and Informal Employment, 1985-1999.
66
Unemployment and underemployment were near 60 percent during the period 1990-1995 and
dropped a little during the period
1996-2000.
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _164
Nicaragua: Formal and Informal employment 1985·1999
80
60
50
%40
5V
4~
...70,8
68
657
70
~
66,3
~,3
32
"""--FormaI
employment
33,2
30
..... L>,<
---Informal
employment
20
10
0
1985
1993
1995
1998
1999
Source: FLACSO, 2005.
In addition, dramatic public expenditure cutbacks and personnel reduction had a negative
impact upon technical support and assistance for producers, particularly small and medium
sized farmers, as well as peasant co-operatives Oonakin, 1997: 102-103). It is not a
coincidence that Nicaragua became the second poorest country (after Haiti) in Latin
America and the Caribbean during this period, 76 percent of their rural population is
considered poor. Taking into account this severe situation, internal displacement to other
parts of the country or migration
to
Costa Rica was a plausible survival strategy for a
growing number of rural peasants in Nicaragua.
A third significant institutional transformation was the privatisation of the financial system ..
From the beginning of the Chamorro Administration, private banks were allowed to
develop financial activjties together with the National Development Bank (BANADES).
Historically, the ptivate banking system was in the hands of very few families and the
sector largely remains structured in that way, similarly credit allocation by private banks has
been concentrated towards a very limited number of busineses and entrepreneurs, most of
them members of Nicaragua's traditional bourgeoisie. (Spalding, 1997: 261-62) By the end
of the 1990s, the lack of controls meant that more than four private banks went bankrupt,
Thesis_ _---'-_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _165
affecting thousands of customers, many of them small producers and workers who lost
their savings67 (El Nuevo Diario, 2001).
BANADES, the only public bank remaining, suffered a deep restructuring between 1990
and 1995, involving personnel reduction and many branch closures, mainly in rural areas.
This made financial services less accessible to the peasantry. Credit allocation was shifted
from agriculture to consumption and service activities and from small and medium
producers to large farm owners. Most agricultural credit was directed towards export crop
production, which remains largely in the hands of members of the power elite. As pointed
out by Jonakin, in 1990 the credit allocated to large estate owners was 31 percent by 1993 it
had reached 71 percent (1997: 105). In addition, corruption has been a severe problem and
some members of the power elite were favoured with huge credits because of personal
contacts and political influences. (Spalding, 1997: 263-64) In 1997, BANADES went
bankrupt. Since then, there has been no public bank in the country, which has reinforced
the concentration of credit described here. The reduction in credit access left small
producers without any opportunity to obtain capital to produce their basic grains,
threatening not only their material reproduction, but beyond that, their way of life and
culture. This factor is particularly important in explaining the decision to migrate to Costa
Rica for seasonal work (Fitzgerald et ai, 2001: 33).
In synthesis, the foregoing analysis has demonstrated that the application of neoliberal
policies in Central America has had direct impacts in the rural world, reducing the options
for survival of the rural population and, as consequence, forcing at least some of them to
migrate. In addition to this, it is necessary to mention the growing deterioration of
Nicaragua's rural environment (deforestation, soil degradation, and so on) (PNUMA-OEA,
1997) which has had significant effects on the level of productivity, thereby increasing
poverty in the rural population still further and contributing to the conditions that
produced rural migration.
This analysis of the main political and economic changes that have occurred in Nicaragua
during the last fifteen years help to explain the production of a massive rural and urban
The banks were: INTERBANK (Sandinista property), 'Banco del Cafe (which was managed by
Francisco Mayorga, the first president of the Central Bank during the Chamorro Administration), 'Banco
Mercantil' and, Banco Nicaragiiense de Industria y Comercio.
67
Thesi~
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _166
transnational migration dynamic from Nicaragua to Costa Rica. In synthesis, the main
factors that produced such an out-migration platform are the following:
i. A growing level of political corruption that undermined the legitimacy of the political
regime and created low expectations in people's perspectives about their future.
ii. A reduction of the opportunities for the urban and rural population to survive in their
original livelihoods as a consequence of:
Massive ptivatisation of public assets as well as the demobilisation of
thousands of men that were part of the Army or the Contra. These processes
increased the level of unemployment and under-employment.
A change in the strategy of development that provoked a welfare
polarisation expressed through rising poverty levels, high unemployment,
underemployment and labour force 'inforrnalisation' in both urban and rural areas.
A reconcentration of property ownership as a result of lack of credit
and technical support from the State, political corruption and the pressure exerted
by former landowners (some of them directly protected by the D.S. Government).
Privatisation of the financial system, including the bankruptcy of the
only public bank of the country. As a direct consequence, there has been a massive
credit reconcentration in service and consumption activities, as well as large
landowners that produce export crops, to the detriment of small and medium
producers that cultivate basic grains for the national market or for self-consumption.
iii. A growing process of ecological degradation that has intensified rural encroachment
and the social impact of natural disasters upon the rural population.
All of these factors help to explain the growing population expulsion from Nicaragua to
Costa Rica in the 1990s. However, the selection of the migration destination does not
depend only upon the expelling (or pushing) factors, but also on the pulling factors. Hence,
to understand these transnational migration dynamics it is necessary to study, not only the
changes in the style of development in Nicaragua and how they configured expelling
dynamics, but also how transformations in the style of development in Costa Rica
contributed to the attraction of different kinds of transnational migration from Nicaragua.
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _167
7.1.1.2 Neoliberal transformations and the production of Costa Rica as a labour attracting
country in the 1990s
As argued in the previous chapter, Costa Rica was one of the first countries in Central
America to start the process of Structural Adjustment. Actually, Rovira Mas identifies 1982
as the end of the ecomic crisis and the years 1984-1985 as the departure point of this style
of development in the country (Rovira Mas, 2004: 317). "The same author mentions two
different sets of factors that explain the reorientation of the style of development in the
Costa Rican case. The international economic crisis that induced a global restructuring of
the international division of labour, passing from the Fordist mode of accumulation to a
flexible mode of accumulation at a global scale that, in a vety simple way, implied the
disaggregating and relocation of the production process in different regions, countries and
cities of the world with the purpose of obtaining the highest rate of surplus and a secure
environment for investment. "This transformation was conducted by transnational
enterprises and implied a global process of liberalisation, not only of trade, but also of
financial and investment flows as well as state withdrawal of many economic functions and
the weakening of its regulation capabilities.
As mentioned previously, Nicaragua suffered a low intensity war during the 1980s, whilst
Costa Rica played a significant geopolitical role as a democratic contrast to the Nicaraguan
revolutionary process. "This allowed Costa Rica to gain what Perez Sainz terms geopolitical
rent, by which he means the political and economic room for manoeuvre obtained by the
Costa Rican government because of their neighbours, namely Noriega in Panama and the
Sandinistas in Nicaragua. "This rent was twofold; on the one hand, financial support from
the US government which allowed Costa Rica to reduce the social impact of economic
transformations and, on the other hand, the ability to bargain for softer conditions in the
application of structural adjustment (perez Siinz, 2000).
It is also important to mention another determinant factor that favoured change in the style
of development, namely the desperate need to overcome the economic and social crisis
that Costa Rica was suffering at the beginning of the 1980s. The crisis was particularly
severe between 1980 and 1982 with high inflation rates and negative economic growth. "To
sort out this crisis, in 1982 the two main political forces of the country, Liberaci6n
Nacional (pLN, social democrats) and Unidad Social Cristiana (pUSC, social christians),
negotiated the start of the Structural Adjustment process as the new style of development
in Costa Rica (Rovira Mas, 2004: 317-320).
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _168
Although the Neoliberal transformation was less radical and more gradual than in the rest
of the Central America countries, there was a set of reforms that achieved significant
structural transformations after two decades of application. The main components of
structural reforms were, first, trade liberalisation; second, state reforms and the initiation of
different forms of privatisation of public entities and enterprises; third, the reform of the
labour market and fourth, financial sector reforms (Hidalgo Capitan, 2003: 120-121; Rovira
Mas, 2004; 322). The process of transformation has advanced with uneven pace in each
sector. Costa Rica has followed a slower route in public enterprize privatization than the
rest of Central America. In fact, only a few public enterprises were privatised by the end of
1980s and after that, the main privatisation mechanism used by the power elite was to open
up public monopolies by allowing competition between public and private entities, as well
as the transformation of public enterprises into more marked-focussed entities· through
prioritising profit maximisation. Good examples of both mechanisms of privatisation were
the energy and financial sectors. However, it is important to point out that significant
sectors of the Costa Rican economy still are in the State hands as public monopolies, such
as telecommunications and insurances.
The public sector reconfiguration was oriented to strengthen the engine sectors of the new
style of development, namely those oriented to the external markets. This fact was reflected
in the structure and orientation of public expenditure. During the period 1988 to 2004, the
public budget and expenditure oscillated between 13.3 percent (1988, lowest peak) and 16.9
percent (2002, highest peak) of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). In this period, the interest
charged on both internal and external debts rose significantly, constraining the real
expenditure available for public policies. In fact, before 1990 interest payments were below
2 percent of GDP, while in the following decade the level oscillated between 2 and almost
5 percent (4.6 percent in 1996, highest peak) as shown in Figure 7.9,
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _169
Figure 7.9: Costa Rica. Total Public Expenditures, Internal and External Debt Interest
Payments and Public Expenditures without interests (percent in relation to GDP),
1986-2004.
18.0
ft..o.
I 7
16,0
14,0
12,0
~
~.t
~I2,SV·A
.L\.
.x
A
12,1 '-'"""L!
'
-<">
/
~14.3/
6
L
=10,6
~
10,0
IS,S
"T.J
11,
-'-'""IT
=.A~
~Total
1U,7
Expenditure
8,0
- 0 - Interests
6,0
2,0
.
~
3.~_
A
:;:
i1l
~
~
~
i1l
'"i1l ~
~
~
~
~~
-aTPE~
Interests
"Y.
~
~
.Jil
:L,3
n..rL. .ff
""l...t"'
. ,.,...0"'"
4,0
~
'"~ §:
~~
~
~
~
g
N
~
~
~
Source: Banco Central de Costa Rica, www.bccr.go.cr; Mnisterio de Planificaci6n Nacional y Politica
Econ6mica de Costa Rica . .WWW.hccr.fi.cr
The reduction or freezing of state expenditure was evident in the case of the FODESAF,
program whose main objective was to support the poorest rural and urban families or
those in critical situations. In 1988 this program received more than 4 percent of total
public expenditures, its highest point, whilst by 1999 it received less than 2 percent of total
public expenditures, its lowest level. This trend contrasts with that of the CAT, a tax
exoneration program directed towards export producers, which received 3 percent of total
public expenditure in 1988, jumped to between 4 and 6 percent between 1989 and 1992
and then decreased to a litde more than 3 percent in the period 1993-1996, before then
increasing again to just over 4 percent in the period 1997-1999. In this comparison it is
important to point out how the contrast of the expenditures in these programs reflected
the priority change of government during the Structural Adjustment period, thus after 1988
the export oriented incentives (CAT's expenditures) were always higher than the sociallyoriented expenditures (FODESAF) as shown in Figure 7.10.
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _170
Figure 7.10: Costa Rica. Public Expenditures in CAT and FODESAF in relation to
the Total Public Expenditure (percent), 1988-2000.
7
6
!
5
.-
-
4f-
'---
-
3
-
-
-
-
-
-
c-
-
-
-
I-
I-
,
1-
-
-
CCAT
-
-
r-
-
CFODESAF
2
1
-
-
-
l-
e-
-
-
I-
-
1-
1-
-
-
0
1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995
1996 1997 1998 1999 2000
Source: Banco Central de Costa Rica, (www.bccr.go.cr); Ministerio de Planificacion
Nacional y Politica Economica de Costa Rica (www.mideplan.go.cr).
The transformation in the public sector stimulated another key element for the production
of a new style of development, namely an increase in the amount of foreign direct
investment (FDI) in Costa Rica. This was encouraged through the creation of a set of
public incentives to attract ttansnarional capital, including tax reduction or elimination, as
well as subsidies for export-oriented busninesses. As a result of this state policy, the level of
FDI increased from US$162.5 rnillion in 1990 to US$ 661,9 million in 2002, the highest
peak in the studied period as is shown in Figure 7.11.
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _---.:._ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ l71
Figure 7.11: Costa Rica. Foreign Direct Investment (US$ millions), 1990-2003.
700,0
600,0
500,0
400,0
1I~
300,0
200,0 -
1784
. ." " - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - l
22
162,5
100,0
0,0
1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003
a/
Source: Proyecto Estado de la Nacion, 2003.
The growing presence of transnational capital and investments was reflected in the overall
perfonnance of many economic activities in which this capital was decisive. This relation
was particularly clear in the export oriented sector that grew from US$ 1,354.0 million in
1990 to US$ 6,132.0 million in 2003, implying an increase of 353 percent in the level of
exportation over the period as shown in Figure 7.11. Costa Rican exports not only showed
impressive growth but also witnessed an important diversification. Thus, since the end of
the 1980s, the consolidation of two principal export categories can be noted, namely the
traditional export sector, with products such as bananas, sugar, meat, cocoa and coffee and
the non-traditional, namely seafood, oranges, flowers and plants, pineapples, but also
garments and other industrial products, including computer components and so on. These
latter products have gained significant relevance in tenns of their weight in the export
structure. For example, in 1990 the goods and merchandises produced in maquilas and
export processing zones represented less than 10 percent of total Costa Rican exports while
in 2003 they represented almost 60 percent of the total exports of the country. Particularly
relevant for this process was the Intel installation in Costa Rica in 1999 that increased the
level of investment and exports in a significant way as it could be observed in Figure 7.12.
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _l72
Another important trend in the export sector was the relative decline of agricultural
products in relation to total exports, particularly in the traditional sector that had
represented almost half of all exports in 1990 but only 13 percent by 2003. However, in
absolute terms, the export of agricultural commodities still continued to grow at a
moderate pace overall.
Figure 7.12: Costa Rica. Total Exports (US$ Millions), 1990-2003.
7000
-<>-Total Exports
6000
-D-Traditional
5000·
exports
4000
_Non
traditional
exports
3000
~
2000
1.354
1000
814
1990
Maquila and
export
processing
zones
1991
1992
1993
1994 1995 1996
1997 1998
19 9
2000
2001 2002 2003
af
Source: Banco Central de Costa Rica, www.bccr.go.fi.
Although the export sector was one of the main engines of growth of the new style of
development, there were other important sectors that underlay the levels of economic
growth, including construction, commerce and tourism (proyecto Estado de la N aci6n,
2003). Tourism in particular has become one of the most important economic sectors of
the new transnational style of development, a factor which is reflected in the impressive
sectoral growth outlined in Figure 7.13.
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _173
Figure 7.13: Costa Rica. Tourist sector growth (US$ millions), 1990-2003.
1600,0 , - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - ,
1400,0
-1----------------------1
1200,0 - j - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - n - - - - - . . i H
1000,0
600,0
+--------------1
+----''''''
400,0 +-Irl--I
200,0
O,+U~L
~
~<t;>
~'"
~"
~.,
~<f>
~<fI-
~,.
~
",# ~"
"'~
"'~
#
I.D US$ Millions IJ International tourists (thousands) I
Source: Banco Central de Costa Rica, www.bccr.go.cr; El Observatorio del Desarrollo, 2001.
In the period 1990-2004 the tourist sector's income rose almost 400 percent, passing from
less than US$ 300 million to more than US$1,300 millions, implying an annual rate of
growth of almost 30 percent. This was an outcome of the massive increase in the number
of international visitors which grew from 435,000 tourists in 1990 to almost one and a half
million tourists in 2004.
The new dynamic clearly generated a process of economic expansion. In fact, the annual
rate of growth of GDP for the period 1992-2003 was 5 percent, although it is important to
point out that this economic growth was not steady but, on the contrary, very unstable with
a highest level of 9.2 percent (1992) and a low point of 0.9 percent in 1996, as can be
observed in Figure 7.14.
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _174
Figure 7.14: Costa Rica. GDP annual rate of growth, 1992-2003.
10,0
9,2
,
9,0
,
8,0
o,~
,....
r
~-
7,0
6,0
.;.6
~
4,0
~ ~
r
3,9
~
~
~
~
~
~
~
~
3,0
~
2,0
-
1,0
I---
2,9
-
1,8
~
~
-
0,0
1992
r,
f-----
r
4,7
,----
5,0
6,5~
1993
I~
0,9
rl
I
1994
1995
1996
f-----
1997
~
1998
1999
-
1,0
~
~
IJ
2000
2001
2002
2003
Source: Banco Central de Costa Rica, www.bccr.go.cr
The growing transnational influence of the new style of development is reflected in the
growing level of openness of the Costa Rican economy, which is the weight of total
imports and exports in relation to the GDP. In the decade from 1994 to 2004, this level
passed from 77.3 percent to more than 95 percent.
Figure 7.15: Costa Rica. External openness index (percent), 1994-2004.
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
77,3
78,2
83,5
86,2
98,8
97,7
94,4
83,7
88,2
95,3
96,2
Source: Prayecto Estado de la Naci6n, 2003.
There were not only winners in the economic transformations described up to this point.
As much as exports were stimulated, internally-oriented production was not supported by
the State and, on the contrary, incentives and subsidies they had received under the
previous style of development were withdrawn. This was particularly clear in the cases of
maize and beans production. It is important to mention that these crops were mainly
produced by peasant family units of productions, that is small producers. The withdrawal
of the state in terms of financial or credit support, as well as technical assistance, was
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _175
reflected in a significant reduction of product yields for these crops in the 1990s and also
produced a massive accumulation by dispossession in different parts of the country,
particularly in the North Pacific and the Caribbean regions where small producers were
increasingly obliged by these conditions to sell their lands to export oriented big producers
or transnational companies. Figure 7.16 demonstrates the configuration of these trends in
the cases of maize, beans and plantains throughout the 1990s and up to the beginning of
this decade.
Figure 7.16: Costa Rica. Maize, Beans and Plantains Total Yields (thousands of tons),
1990-2003.
160
137
140
120
100
I
2
I~
\
~
t:r
80
60
40
-O--Maize
\
g);./"
'\t9
'4 " -
~
'-..d
20
.....a--Beans
A.
~
~
\0..
J?
~Plantis
n-"
tl
13
o
1990
1991 1992 1993
1994 1995 1996
1997
1998
1999
2000 2001 2002
2003
Source: Banco Central de Costa Rica, www.bccr.go.cr
These trends can also be seen in the figures for total cultivated area of these crops which
also suffered dramatic reductions in part as consequence of thousands of peasant land
dispossesion. Figure 7.17 demonstrates this reduction in terms of cultivated hectares of
maize and beans,
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _176
Figure 7.17: Costa Rica. Cultivated Area of Maize and Beans (Hectares), 1985-2000.
80.000,00,--------------------------,
70.000,00
Hf---'\---------r;.----------------I
60.000,00 t-A~o"/'O;:)_i
50.000,00 +-./~A
40.000,00
~Beans
-l---------Ub---------\---/-
--O--Maize
30.000,00 + - - - - - - - - - - y . - - - - - - - - ' " - - - - - - - ' - L i
+-"'=~.j
20.000,00
10.000,00 -l=:.~CI
0,00 -l~_,1
~'I!
~
~'I!
~
~'b
~
~'iJ
~
~
~'6
~.,-
~
~-' ~-'
~
~
~'
~
~
~-' ~" ~"l ~'" ~"
~
b
~
~
~.,
A
~<:J
~
Source: FLACSO, 2005.
Of these products, the most dramatic cases were those of maize and beans, the most basic
products of peasant production and consumption. In the case of beans, the annual yield fell
from 69,000 tons in 1990 to 13,000 tons in 2003, and the produced area declined from
70,000 hectares in 1992 to 32,000 hectares in 2000. In the case of maize, the annual yield
passed from 34,000 tons in 1990 to 55,000 tons in 1996 and then had a massive decrease to
13,000 thousand tons in 2003 and in terms of produced area it passed from almost 80,000
hectares in 1986 to 10,000 hectares in 2000.
As pointed out before, these transformations in terms of production and land use also
implied a dramatic social transformation in terms of changes in the mode of life of
thousands of families. In some ways, the transformation of the rural world liberated labour
for the expanded opportunities in the export agriculture, service and industrial sectors,
however this rural to urban migration would not prove to be enough to fulf.tl the labour
demand that the main export oriented activities would require, as is discussed in the next
section.
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _177
7.1.2 The transformation of Costarican labour markets as a kry factor for the production
transnational space with Nicaragua
of a
At this point of the chapter, it can legitimately be asked what the connection between all of
these analyses and the transformation of Costa Rica into a migration-pulling country is?
The answer is that the key element that helps to explain the transnational interp~ao
between Costa Rica's new style of development and the Nicaraguan immigration towards
its neighbour is the transformation that occurred in the labour markets of both countries as
a consequence of the N eoliberal economic changes described up to this point. As signalled
by Morales, the linkage between both countries is now so strong that it could be
conceptualised as a transnational space, constiruive of a new inter-territoriality, particularly
in some regions and within particular economic sectors (Morales, 2002: 51-52).
In a previous section of this chapter the production of an expelling population platform in
Nicaragua was explained in detail. In the Costa Rican case, the economic transformations
described thus far have had a significant impact in the country's labour markets. 68 Thus, as
a correlate of the economic expansion witnessed by the country in the period 1990-2003,
there was a significant growth in the labour force or economically active population, which
grew from 1,066,700 workers in 1990 to 1,768,800 workers in 2004 (Figure 7.18), meaning
the existence of an extra 702,100 workers by the end of the period, representing a
percentage growth of 65.8 percent and an annual growth rate of 4.5 percent.
Figure 7.18: Costa Rican Labour Force (thousand of workers), 1990-2004.
1.800,0
1.600,0
... ,-
1.400,0
1.200,0
..!;066,:.
r'" -
1.000,0
-
r-
-
-
r-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
800,0
600,0
400,0
200,0
0,0
I...
I~
r'"
-
-
1-
-
-
-
..
-
1"'1
r"" -
1.7688
r'"
r'"
-
r-
-
-
-
-
-
r-
-
-
-
-
1-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
r-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
I...
-
""
1999 2000
I...
-
1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998
-
1-
- - -
2001 2002 2003 2004
Source: Banco Central de Costa Rica. www.bccr.go.cr
68
To this point is important to remind that, as pointed out in the chapter four, in the long duree Costa Rica
has been a country with a relative scarcity of labour force since colonial periods.
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _178
When the labour market is disaggregated according to its main economIc sectors, it
becomes clear that the reorientation of the economic structure towards export markets was
paralleled by the composition and evolution of the main employment activities of the
economically active population as can be observed in from Figure 7.19. In terms of the
main trends, the clearest is the absolute and relative decrease in the economically active
population employed in the agricultural sector which fell from 263,713 workers in 1990 to
237,262 workers in 2004. In relative terms, for the same years it fell from 39.2 percent to
21.8 percent. In terms of those sectors that underwent expansion, the main examples were
commerce, hotels and restaurants as well as domestic employment which together grew
from 23.7 percent in 1990 to 46.2 percent in 2004. Employment in the industrial sector
declined from 27.2 percent in 1990 to 21.1 percent in 2004. This decline was not only
relative but also absolute passing from aproximately 270,000 workers in 1990 to less than
250,000 workers in 2004. These trends confirmed that the Costa Rican economy is moving
towards a service oriented productive system (frejos, 2004).
Figure 7.19: Costa Rica. Evolutions of the Active Economic Population by
Economic Activity (thousand of workers), 1990-2004.
350.000
~
Agriculture and
cattle ranching
---Industry
300.000
---..- Construction
~Comerc
250.000
-'-Hotels and
restaurants
200.000
-...e--Domestic
workers
150.000
100.000
+-'==------------------1
-l~_:
~... •
*....Ir
r"'-=:.~4;
.
-.....,..,
50.000
---- - --o
~
~
~
~
~
~
~
N
~
~
~
~
~
~
~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~
Source: Proyecto Estado de la Naci6n, 2005.
00
~
~
~
~
~
Thesisi_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _179
It is important to point out, however, that this transformation in the labour markets
occurred with relatively low unemployment rates, particularly if compared with the same
rates in Nicaragua (Figure 7.20),
Figure 7.20: Costa Rica and Nicaragua. Unemployment rate, 1985-2003.
,
18
16
,
14
134
14
-:
~
'-
f--'
~
6,2
-
8 r»"
4
;Z
'"
_. . -
10 - - -
l---;r,
.:;.'. --.l.1'
,
r- i:- r-' -10,9
'"
12
6
-
I-
',2
4,1
4,1
e-
2
-
5,7
I~:
-
_6
42
r-
-
12,2
113
10,2
9,8
~
6,
-5;2
-
-
-
-
-
6,4
-
[] Costa Rica
6,7
[] Nicaragua
-
0
1985 1990 1991
1992 1993 1994
1995 1996 1997
1998 1999 2000
2001 2002 2003
Source: Proyecto Estado de la Region, 2003.
Figure 7.20 indicates how the Costa Rican unemployment rate oscillated between 4.1 and
less than 7 percent of the total economic active population, while in the Nicaraguan case in
its most critical moments, the unemployment rate was above 15 percent. One feasible
explanation of this relatively low rate of unemployment in the Costa Rican case is related to
the fact that the economic expansion created a significant demand for labour. Hence, the
critical question here is how did the economy solve this requirement? One factor that
contributed to fulfilling the growing demand for labour was the growing incorporation of
women into labour markets. In fact, in relative terms women's participation grew from 20.7
percent in 1980 to 29.8 percent in 2005. In absolute numbers this implies that the number
of women in the labour market grew from 106,000 to 371,000 that is it more than tripled
in that length of time.
180
Thesis
Figure 7.21: Costa Rica. Women and Men Economic Active Participation in the
Labour Markets, 1980-1995.
90
79,3
78,3
7
80
74
72,1
70,2
70
60
50
---WomenEAP
40
......... MenEAP
30
20
26
20,7
27,9
29,8
21,7
10
0
1980
1985
1990
1995
2000
2005
Source: FLACSO, 2005.
There were also significant changes in the rural and urban composition of labour markets.
As shown in Figure 7.22, the country was transformed from a situation in which rural
workers were a majority (57 percent of the total economically active population in 1980) to
the reverse situation in 2005, when the rural economically active population represented
only 46.1 percent of the total.
Figure 7.22: Costa Rica. Urban and Rural Active Population, 1980-2005 (Thousands).
1200
1.010
1000
800
--UrbanAEP
600
- 0 - Rural
400
341
200
0
1980
1985
Source: FLACSO, 2005.
1990
1995
2000
2005
AEP
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _181
However, even taking into account the incorporation to the economic dynamics of both
women and the rural active economic population that has been spelled from the rural
countryside, the low population growth of Costa Rica in the 1970s (Rosero, 2005) was a
structural limitation to satisfying the growing demand for labour generated by the growing
needs of the new transnationally oriented style of development.
In fact, the numbers showed by the previous figures already contain immigrant populations
in them. Thus, there are significant economic sectors that could not produce at current
levels without immigrant labour (Morales, 2002; Unidad de Investigacion en Fronteras
Centroamericanas, 2005). As pointed out by Morales, the Nicaraguan labour insertion in
Costa Rica has been linked to the activities of transnational accumulation processes, some
of them traditional, such as in the cases of coffee and bananas, and others in less traditional
areas such as sugar cane, and more recently orange, pineapple, rice, ginger, manioc, flowers
and other tropical products for export. In the urban sector, Nicaraguan immigrants have
occupied three main niches, construction and private security in the case of male migrants,
and domestic employment in the case of female migrants. During the last few years, there
has also been a growing presence of migrants in maquilas and commerce (Acufia, 2000;
Morales, 2002). Hence, against the perception of some sectors of the Costa Rican
population who have thought of Nicaraguan immigration as a negative burden or as a
threat (Sandoval, 2001), the presence of Nicaraguan workers has contributed in a
significant way to the Costa Rican economic expansion and change in the style of
development of recent years.
7.1.3 Main 4Jnamics within the migratory transnational space between Costa Rica and
Nicaragua since mid-1990s
In the two previous sections the main structural cause that have contributed to the creation
of a historical coincidence between Nicaragua as expelling society and Costa Rica as
recipient society were explained. In this section the main dynamics and characteristics of
the Nicaraguan migration to Costa Rica in the 1990s are discussed. As was pointed out
previously, a few years into that decade a new wave of emigration was underway towards
Costa Rica.
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _182
Figure 7.23: Costa Rica Population Census of 2000. Nicaraguan Immigrant's Year of
Arrival.
226274.
72894,
59350,
61303,
50000
TOTAL
1996-2000
1991-1995
1990 and before
Year ignored
Source: CCCP-VCR, http://www.ccp.ucr.ac.cr
As can be observed in Figure 7.23, almost 60 percent of the total of Nicaraguan immigrants
registered by the Population Census of 2000, arrived after 1990, confirming the fact the
there was a new migration wave from Nicaragua to Costa Rica going on at that time.
In fact, the flow of migrants was more complex than in prior periods of heavy migration,
with different kinds of people coming for a greater mix of motives than before. This wave
included rural-rural, urban-urban and rural-urban migration dynamics. As to the nature and
period of their stay, the migrants can be roughly grouped into three categories:
Seasonal migrants, those who come for up to a year, mainly to harvest export crops.
Semi-permanent migrants, those who leave part of their family behind and go back to
Nicaragua for visits every year or two. They are mosdy involved in economic activities
that require a more prolonged stay: construction, private security, domestic labour,
commerce and services.
Permanent migrants, usually accompanied by their families, these migrants tend to hold
the same kinds of jobs as semi-permanent migrants (Acuiia, 2000; Morales, 2003;
Cortes Ramos, 2003).
Thesisi_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _183
The answer
to
the question of how many Nicaraguan immigrants there are in Costa Rica is
a difficult one. As tends to happen in immigration-recipient countries, the mass media and
certain politicians like to throw around easy, round (and frightening) figures, such as the
claim that there are a million Nicaraguan migrants in Costa Rica. The most commonly used
figure has been 800,000. These figures were not neutral or scientific. They had the
intention of capturing public attention in the case of the media and creating scapegoats in
the case of politicians (Sandoval, 2003). Hence, these figures are not exactly accurate.
However, more useful information about the number of Nicaraguan immigrants living in
Costa Rica was obtained from several different sources. The first of these was the Costa
Rican General Immigration Amnesty that was made in 1999 which was passed as an act of
solidarity with the suffering of the Nicaraguan population after the impacts of Hurricane
Mitch. An interesting story about the Amnesty process is the fact that the government
authorities, as well as sectors of the press, were expecting that at least 300 thousand nonregularized Nicaraguan immigrants would request this benefit. Ultimately, the number of
beneficiaries under this scheme was significantly lower than the expected figure, namely
155.316 immigrants (Acufia, 2000: Morales, 2002).
In 2000 another important event occurred that contributed towards giving us a more
accurate idea of how many people of foreign origin are living in Costa Rica and how many
of them are Nicaraguan, namely the Population Census (2000). This source indicated that
in that year there were 226,374 inhabitants of the country who were born in Nicaragua. In
fact, this was the highest number of Nicaraguans ever registered in absolute and relative
terms in any Costa Rican population census. However, even this figure was very far from
the exaggerated numbers menrioned before. As can be observed in Figure 7.24, these
figures suggest that in less than two decades the Nicaraguan population in Costa Rica
almost tripled. In relative terms, this immigration grew from representing 1.9 percent of
Costa Rica's population in 1984 to 5.9 percent in 2000,
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _184
Figure 7.24: Costa Rica. Nicaraguan immigrants in the Population Census of 1950,
1963,1973,1984,2000.
250.000
r-------------------------,
20.j-I~
150.000
+---------------------/------i
I--6--Born in Nicaragua
I
100.000 j _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _--jL_ _ _ _~
50.000
+------------------,{---------i
18.954
18.722
11.871
o+-~
1950
1%3
1973
1984
2000
Source: CCCP-UCR. htt;p:!!www.ccp.ucr.ac.cr
As was pointed out in Chapter 3, however, population censuses and most household living
standard surveys have methodological limitations that limit the possibilities of their
capturing the real volume of total immigration, including the fact that they do not register
the non national population that has been living in the country for less than six months.
This element implies that a very important dynamic of the migratory transnational space,
namely seasonal rural migration, is systematically underestimated in official figures, despite
the fact that, as has been discussed in previous sections, it is an important component of
labour dynamics particularly in agriculture. Aside from that serious limitation, there are
other factors that also make it difficult to determine the real immigrant population,
including the fact that a significant part of the Nicaraguan immigrants are living and
working in Costa Rica in non regularised circumstances or without any documentation.
Obviously, these immigrants are reluctant to give any information about their situation,
Thesi~
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _185
creating a situation of formal under-registering. Clearly some of the official Costa Rican
data about labour market composition in terms of the size of the conomically active
population is lower than the real size, particularly in the case of seasonal immigrant
workers. The next chapters discuss the level of documentation of the migrants from the
Nicaraguan communities studied in this thesis in much more detail.
In recent years, scholars and other analysts who research immigration have ttied to make
more serious projections and have estimated that there are around 350 to 450 thousand
Nicaraguan immigrants in Costa Rica between January and May, the time of year when the
greatest number of Nicaraguans come to Costa Rica for seasonal work (Brenes, 1999;
Rosero Bixby, 2004).
Although the Costa Rican Population Census has limitations that have already been
pointed out here, it does have valuable information for understanding the main
characteristics of Nicaraguan immigration. For example, it shows that in terms of
geographical location, Nicaraguan immigrants tend to be concentrated in the greater
metropolitan area and in the Northern and Caribbean regions of the country. According to
the census, they more often live in urban than rural areas (60%-40%, respectively) (CCP,
2001). Figure 7.25 explains the geographical location of the Nicaraguan immigrant
population, as well as urban and rural composition by province.
Figure 7.25: Costa Rican Population Census of 2001. Nicaraguan Immigrants
geographical location in Costa Rican Provinces and in Urban and Rural Areas
(absolute and relative terms).
Urban
Rural
Absolute
Relative
Total
108220
56.7
San Jose
70837
90.9
Alajuela
10267
21.5
Cartago
4672
56.3
Heredia
8892
49.3
Punt arenas
3596
47.8
Limon
5133
26.7
Guanacaste
4823
39.8
Source: CCCP-UCR. http:((www.ccp.ucr.ac.cr
.
Absolute
82743
7054
37585
3621
9148
3934
14101
7300
Relative
43.3
9.1
78.5
43.7
50.7
52.2
73.3
60.2
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _186
There are five provinces where rural migration prevailed, namely Alajuela, limon,
Guanacaste, Puntarenas, and, to a lesser extent, Alajuela. The first four provinces are where
the production of traditional and non traditional export crops is concentrated. The main
composition of the labour force for these crops is immigrants. The contrary trend is
observed in San Jose, the capital, where most of the immigrants are employed in urban jobs
such as construction and private security in the male case and domestic service and
commerce in the female case.
In terms of the gender composition, there are virtually the same percentages of men and
women among the Nicaraguan migrants, with a few more women (95,515) than men
(95,448). Relevant information in this dimension is the fact that most female immigrants
are located in urban areas and vice versa, which is a consequence of the type of insertion in
the labour markets. With respect to education, there are differences between the migrant
population and the Nicaraguan population in general. On average, migrants tend to have
more years of education than most Nicaraguans, though less than Costa Ricans. Some 65%
of the migrants interviewed in a recent study had at least completed some high school
education. It is in part due to this factor that most Nicaraguan migrants do not compete
with Costa Ricans for jobs, since the labour markets are clearly segmented. As pointed out
earlier in this chapter, Nicaraguans fill niches in the economy that Costa Ricans do not
want to fill anymore because they require less skill, have very low wages, involve greater
risk or demand extreme physical efforts, for example largely seasonal agricultural activities,
construction, domestic service, private security and, to a lesser extent, commerce (Acufia,
2000; Morales, 2002; Cortes Ramos, 2006). According to Costa Rica's 2001 census, the
migrant population is also a young one: 58.6% are between 20 and 40 years old and 24.9%
under 20. In rural areas, the share of the migrant population between 20 and 40 is even
higher, at 64%. (INEC, 2000) This means that the Costa Rican economy is getting enriched
by the arrival of thousands of workers in a very productive stage of their lives.
It is important to highlight something that has been pointed out before, which is the fact
that of this complex set of dynamics that compose this migratory transnational space the
particular dynamic that has deserved less atention or research is the seasonal rural
migration, which is one of the key factors that explains its selection as study case in this
thesis.
The~
_____________________________________________________________187
Conclusions
There are three important aspects to restate in the conclusions of this chapter, first, the fact
that in the 1990s the Central American region as a whole was under a structural process of
transformation in relation to the previous decade. One of the salient features of these
transformations was a growing transnationalisation of their development process. This was
a regional trend although every country was doing the transformation with particular
rythms, modes, styles and institutional arrangements. In that sense, it is possible to assert
that the new wave of out-migration that started in Central America in the 1990s has been
part of or expression of an ongoing wider regional transformation. In fact, this
transformation has reinforced the asymmetrical linkage of the region with the United
States, which is expressed in trade but also in other realms such as labour. It is not a
coincidence that the main pulling node of Central American workers is the US.
However, and this is the second point to note from of this chapter, within this regional
transnational social space there are other relationships and linkages between the countries.
As has been explained in the chapter, one example of these kind of relationships is the
intense bond that has been developed between Nicaragua and Costa Rica. Both countries
have had an intense relationship as neighbouring countries, however a particular new
dynamic started in the 1990s that has created what is defined in this thesis as a new
migratory transnational space. This space includes several dynamics or forms of migration,
including urban-urban, rural-urban, urban-rural and rural-rural dynamics. In terms of time
length, there are different dynamics such as permanent, semi-permanent and seasonal
migrations. An important point to highlight here is the intense meso-link or networks that
have been built by the migrants between the community of origin and the community of
reception, the importance of this feature differentiate this migratory space from previous
ones between these two countries.
The third conclusion to note is that this articulation has been an outcome of what the
author has named structural coincidence, which is the fact that, in the precise timing,
Nicaraguan neoliberal transformations have been expelling population while Costa Rican
Neoliberal productive transformations were demanding more workers than the national
labour force could supply. This coincidence in the mid-1990s generated a growing process
of transnationalisation and has progressively created a solid migratory transnational space
between both countries that still going on.
--
---.--------------------------------------------------------------------------------,
Thesis,___________________________________________________________188
As has been pointed out before, of this transnational space the less studied migration
dynamic is the rural-rural seasonal migration. This is the main factor that explain the
decision to take this as a case study. The following chapters are dedicated to analyse in
detail the main characteristics of this kind of dynamic as well as the main characteristics of
the migrants and their households in three departments of the North of Nicaragua, namely
Le6n, Chinandega and Esteli.
The~s;
_________________________________________________________189
CHAPTER 8: Main rural socioeconomic structure and transformations
in the rural world in Nicaragua during the 1990s
The previous chapter explains how by a sort of structural contingency, the development
transformations ongoing in both Nicaragua and Costa Rica throughout the 1990s facilitated
the articulation of a migratory transnational. space between these countries, in fact, a
process that was different from previous migration flows. In relation to this contingency, it
is important to remember that in the Nicaraguan case, the political, economic and social
transformations promoted by the new ruling elite· produced an population expelling
platform; and, in the Costa Rican case,
to
the contrary, the economic and political
transformations produced a labour force pulling core in the same period. This process has
been cumulative (portes et al, 1999) and has created a very dense and complex set of
linkages by mean of migration dynamics (urban-urban, rural-urban, urban-rural, and ruralrural; permanent, semi-permanent, and seasonal), intertwining labour markets, households,
and economic structures of both countties, apart of the generation of new cultural
practices, some of them related to identity construction that are not only complex but
conflictive.
Chapter 7 characterised in general terms these new migration flows that started in the
1990s, giving information about the dynamics, networks, and some other features related to
the migrants. At this point, it is important to remark that, as it was pointed out at the
introduction, most of the information about this new migratory transnational space are
focus upon the urban migration dynamics in the recipient node, namely Costa Rica.
One of the main challenges of this thesis, and possibly one of its main purposes is to give
more information and criteriato understand probably the less studied migration dynamic of
this migratory transnational space, namely the seasonal rural migration dynamic and
characteristics from North to South. As it was explained in the Chapter 3, because of its
difficulty to apprehend this particular migration in the recipient country, the fieldwork was
done in Nicaragua in selected rural communities of Esteli, Chinandega and Leon. In this
line, both Chapter 8 and Chapter 9 are dedicated
to
explain in detail the main findings of
the collected data, particularly oriented to shed light about dynamics and characteristics of
the rural migrants and their households that participate and build this migratory
transnational space throughout seasonal migration ..
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _190
However, before to begin the data-oriented analysis it is necessary to give some additional
information about two important contextual elements to enrich the comprehension of this
study case, namely, more general information about the rural context in Nicaragua and also
more information about the main characteristics of the social structure of the rural world in
the selected departmens, Esteli, Chinandega and Le6n, as well the impact of the socioeconomic transformations in rural population to have a better idea of the "structural field"
where these migrants and their relatives are taking decisions to survive.
8.1 Main rural conditions and transformations during the 1990s
Nicaragua is a country with a significant part of the population living in the rural areas.
Although there is a ongoing process of urbanisation, in 2001 this country still had 42,5
percent of its population living in the rural area (PNUD, 2002: 162). However, as Maldidier
and Marchetti (1996) points out, Nicaraguan society has a long history of social and
institutional exclusion of the rural world, and, particularly, to the peasantry, first during the
Somoza dinasty that favoured the big landownership; second, during the Sandinista
Revolution, when the main political direction of the process decided to promote great State
properties in the agrarian sector and an alliance with agrarian sectors of the oligarchy, as
was highlighted in the Chapters 5 and 6; and, finally, during the ongoing liberal democratic
period, when the power elite has liberalised the land market at the same time that is
abandoning the small and medium producers.
This historical state of neglect towards the rural world until present days is reflected in a
dramatic gap between the urban and rural areas in many indicators. The first an most
evident indicators of the existing gap between the rural and urban world in Nicaragua are
related to the level of population living under the poverty line and under extreme poverty,
as is shown in Figures 8.1 and 8.2,
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _l91
Figure 8.1: Nicaragua. Population under poverty lines, general, urban and rural (1993,
1998,2001).
D Total population
under poverty line
tlUrban population
under poverty line
o Rural population
under poverty line
1993
1998
2001
Source: PNUD, 2002: 174.
Figure 8.2: Nicaragua. Population under extreme poverty lines, general, urban and rural
(1993,1998,2001).
40./
J36.i
1/
30 1/
25 1/
""-
35
20
IS
1/ ~
1/
1/
S 1/
10
§
j17,i
~
1-
(7,3
I-I--
11-
,(7;
1"":"7
./
1993
j27,4
~.
l-
e Urban population
l-
1-
1-
1-
I--
!6.2
I-
'7
1998
~r-
I--
D Total population
under extreme poverty
line
~l
under extreme poverty
line
Cl Rural population
under extreme povc~
line
17
2001
Source: PNUD, 2002: 174.
Although the figures indicates that during the analysed period, there has been a reduction
in the percentage of people living in poverty and extreme poverty, it is evident that in
poverty clearly has a rural dimension. In fact, in the case of number of people living under
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _192
poverty line, the relationship is a little bit more than two rural poor for every urban poor.
However, in the case of extreme poverty, the relationship is aproximately five rural persons
for every urban person in such a condition, a dramatic contrast.
Two other important indicators of the contrasting conditions between rural and urban
population in Nicaragua is households with access to drinkable or fresh water (Figure 8.3),
and with access to electricity (Figure 8.4), which are services that should be fulfilled for the
population in terms of basic needs or development.
Figure 8.3: Nicaragua. Level of rural and urban households with access to drinkable
water (percent), (1993, 1998 and 2001).
/ J86l
80 /
Is3,3
90
70
60
50
40
V
V
V
V
rs28
,
]77,3
~
62,3
10
.~
I--
o Urban households
with drinkable
water
V/
30
20
-
74,6
~
Cl Rural households
'I~
I~
~/
with drinkable
water
.
//
17
o ,/'
1993
1998
2001
Source: PNUD, 2002: 174.
In this case, is important to point out that there has been an improvement to fresh water in
rural households from 1993 to 1998, but went down from 1998 to 2001. The indicator
includes any form of water access but rivers or others of this sort. An important factor that
explains the water coverage augment is the expansion in the use of water rope pumps build
by the rural families in their properties. As is pointed out by Alberts and van der Zee,
' ...by 1995 this technology became an integral part of rural water programmes
implemented by NGOs and government agencies. Rural water supply coverage
since then has doubled from approximately 27.5 percent to 54.8 percent. Of this
27.3 percentage point rise, handrope pumps account for 23.6 percent (or 85
percent of the total increase). (2001)
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _193
Although this has been a significant change, still one in every four rural households has no
access to fresh water in rural areas. As is explain by these authors in their article, access to
water make a significant difference in terms of productivity and, hence, in poverty
reduction (Alberts and van der Zee, 2001). More critical is the situation of rural households
in terms of access to electricity, as is shown in Figure 8.4,
Figure 8.4: Nicaragua. Level of rural and urban households with access to electricity
(percent), (1993, 1998 and 2001).
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
o
/
/ ~
-
,---
r::-:-::
.d 91,8
..,190,8
~
./
V
1/
1/
I~
'--
-
......
41
1/
1/
1/
~
o Urban households
with energy
41
39,9
'-'
a Rural households
with energy
1/
7
./
1993
1998
2001
Source: PNUD, 2002: 174.
While more than 90 percent of urban households have access to electricity, only 40 percent
of the rural households are covered by this service. This indicator practically did not
improve throughout the studied period. These services are unevenly distributed not only in
rural/urban terms but also among departments. For example, in 2001 the electricity access
was Esteli, 91.6 percent; Lean, 59.4; and Chinandega, 53.7 percent. This data shadows the
uneven distribution of the service within the departments. Thus, in the case of Esteli, the
department with the highest rate of electricity access, no one of the rural communities
selected in this research has it.
The lack or low access to basic services in rural areas have implications that goes from low
productivity to health problems that are affecting rural population in a wider form than in
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _194
urban areas, making the livelihood conditions very vulnerable to economic, social or
environmental crisis, as has happened in the last decade in Nicaragua. These dimensions of
the Nicaraguan une~
development could be considered the structural basis for the
configuration of that country as expelling population platform.
A hlst dimension to analyse of the structural conditions of the rural population in the
country are related to production, employment and income. In economic terms, the point
of departure is the fact that Nicaragua is a country largely dependent on the agriculture and
livestock sector, sectors that share almost 30 percent of the GDP. Its significance in
economic terms is also reflected in the participation of rural population in the economically
active population (EAP), as shown in Figure 8.5,
Figure 8.5: Nicaragua. Urban and Rural Economically Active Population
(1993,1998,2001; percent).
10~
1
90V
~:
8
42 ,11
----
El
[] Economically Active
60V
SOV"
Rural Population
---
40/
57,91
30/"
1
[:J
r:l
o Economically Active
Urban Population
20/
/
10L
°
1993
1998
2001
Source: PNUD, 2002: 176.
Despite of the Neoliberal economIc transformation did not significantly change the
relationship between rural and urban percentages in the Economically Active Population,
that process did have an impact on the rate of unemployment which showed a significant
increase in both the rural and urban population in the mid-1990s to decrease with a slow
pace at the end of the decade .. Figure 8.6 shows the unemployment levels for Nicaragua's
rural population in the studied period,
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _195
Figure 8.6: Nicaragua. Urban and Rural level of unemployment, 1990-1999 (percent).
25
20
15
,
10
-_//
/
~
.....0.:
-...r
"'
rf/
~
~
5
0
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
I~
Urban level of unemployment
7,4
10
14,5
22
19,4
19,3
16,7
14,6
12,7
10
I~
Rural level of unemployment
7,8
13,5
14,4
12,5
14,1
13,8
15
13,8
13,9
13
Source: PNUD, 2000: 166-167.
Morales and Castro (2002), as well as Sandoval (2001), have argued that the main flow of
immigrant from Nicaragua to Costa Rica in the 1990s started at mid-90s. In that sense,
these indicators contribute
to
confirm such affirmations and also shed light about the
moment of the structural contingency that started the process of transnational articulation
between Nicaragua and Costa Rica.
The increase in unemployment was accompanied by an informalisation of the labour
markets or, to put it in another form, the number of formal jobs decreased in a significant
way in this period. In fact, there was a general reduction of formal employment in at
national scale, passing from 22 percent in 1990 to 14.4 percent in the lowest rate in 1995
to 16.6 percent in 1999. In the case of the formal employment in agriculture in relation to
the total formal employment the situation has been very critical, while in 1990 these jobs
represented 14.5 percent of the total formal employments, in 1999 they represented only 7
percent of the total formal employments (PNUD, 2000: 166-167). These trends have had
negative social and economic implications, augmenting poverty and vulnerability in rural
households, and hence, reinforcing the need for members of the rural households to search
for different survival strategies. Two other important indicators that related to these issues
are the income per day in the rural sector and its relation with the basic basket coverage
(cobertura de canasta basica).
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _196
Figure 8.7: Nicaragua. Agriculture income per day (USS) and Coverage of the Family
Basic Basket (percent), 1990-1999.
2.5
2
1,5
37.1
36.J.
.~ -
~8
@P
1,73
:-
@
1
40
36,3
>:2.7
31,6
~
30,8
35
r::::::::I Agriculture
30
Income per
day (USS)
~
"98,3
~
.@
r-
§@
r
1,38
.
@
:-
25
0
1,48
~Coverag
20
:15
0
the Family
Basic
Basket
(percent)
10
0,5
5
0
0
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
Source: PNUD, 2000: 167.
With some oscillation, there is a clear trend towards the reduction of agriculture income
per day, passing from S 2.07 in 1990 to $ 1.48 at the end of the decade. This reduction in
income is also reflected in the declining ability of agricultural workers to meet the costs of
the Family Basic Basket, meaning by that a reduction in such capacity. In fact, in 1990 the
agriculture income covered 27 percent of the Family Basic Basket. In fact, in 1999
agricultural income covered 31.6 percent. In simple terms, this means that a household
requires three agriculture incomes to cover the basket.
Another important element in understanding the economic functionality of migrating as
part of the survival strategy of rural households is the income differential between
Nicaragua and Costa Rica in general, but also in the agriculture sector in particular.
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _197
Figure 8.8: Nicaragua and Costa Rica. Relation between agriculture sector nominal
income and the family basic basket (percent), 1995 and 2000.
60~1
140~
120/<
A!43,3
A12~
..,
(,
100/
Io Nicaragua.
80/
[] Costa Rica
6°1/~
~4f
::C;
I,
0
1995
"'
/'/
2000
Source: Cepa!, 2003: 51.
Although in the Costa Rican case is very probable that Nicaraguan immigrants' income
average would be below the national average, it is clear that even in general terms, the
ability of rural families to meet the costs of covering the basic basket of goods is much
better in Costa Rica than in Nicaragua. This implies that, in theory, Nicaraguan immigrants
have the possibility of saving part of their income to take it back to Nicaragua or send to
their relatives in their community of origin.
The final point of this section is related to overall income in the rural sector. This can be
derived from combining several variables, including size of property, productivity, and
economic diversification, that is the number of activities that generate income for the
household (Alberts and van deer Zee, 2001). The combination of the fact that a majority of
rural families in Nicaragua have small farms (from 0,1 to 20 M,?!,s), and, the fact that they
produce basic grains such as maize and beans, makes their situation vulnerable to price
variation of their products, as has happened in recent years with coffee (1991-92, 1998-99)
but also with maize and beans. The prices of these products have been very unstable, as
can be seen in the Figure 8.9,
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _198
Figure 8.9: Prices of coffe, maize and beans; US$ per hundred pounds, 1990-1999.
160r-~_.
140+-,~
120~-\
-Q-Coffee (US$
per 100
10+-~
pounds)
80+-_~
--0- Maize (USS
60+-~
per 100
pounds)
40
--i>- Beans
(US$
per 100
20
pounds)
o
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997 1998
1999
Source: PNUD, 2000: 167.
In summary, as has been showed in this section, the rural conditions in Nicaragua are very
critical and as shown by some basic indicators, the situation of the rural populations has
worsened with the Neoliberal transformation that was ongoing during the studied period.
This is an structural factor that probably helps to explain an important part of the
transformation of Nicaragua into an expelling population platform. However, it is also
important to highlight that the rural world is not homogeneous. The next section discusses
in the main socio-economic and regional characteristics of the communities of the three
selected Nicaraguan departments, namely Le6n, Chinandega and Esteli.
8.2 Main socioeconomic and geographic characteristics of rural communities
ofLean, Chinandega and Esteli
In the previous section, the characteristics of Nicaragua's rural communities that help to
explain the wide gap between the rural and the urban worlds of the country were described.
However, Nicaragua has a very diverse geography, which is reflected in the existence of
many agro-ecological regions or agrarian macro-regions. Maldidier and Marchetti (1996: 3564) points out the existence of at least six macro-regions, namely 1) the new agriculture
frontier (Atlantic or Caribbean region); 2) the old agricultural frontier (central region); 3)
the large cattle and coffe ranches region; 4) the dry region; 5) the Pacific plain region; and,
6) the urban mini-smallholding region (Maldidier and Marchetti, 1996: 69). Each one of
these regions has particular physical, climatic, ecological, and productive characteristics and
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _199
also hegemonic systems of production. To put it in other terms, the Nicaraguan rural world
is quite diverse and hence, it is important to have an idea of which of these regions the
selected communities belong to and what are their main socio-economic characteristics to
understand the particular transnational dynamic they create in their seasonal labour trips to
Costa Rica.
Using as base the typology developed by Maldidier and Marchetti, the location of the
communities are as follows. The communities of the municipalities of La Paz Centro and
Nagarote (Department of Lean), as well as the communities of the municipalities of
Somotillo and Villanueva (Department of Chinandega) belong to the dry region. In the case
of the communities of Condega (Department of Estelt,), they belong to both the dry region
and to the Pacific plains.
8.2.1 Main geographical and socio-economic characteristics of the dry macro region
The Dry macro region is characterised by a dry or semiarid climate. Its extension is
approximately 16 thousand square kilometres and in the 1990s more than 60 thousand
rural families were living there. It has two main sub-regions, one in the North that is mainly
a peasant region, particularly the Western Segovias (Segovias Occidentales), which includes
Condega. The other sub-region is characterised by a dual economic structure that combines
more extensive agriculture characterised by a predominant sector of large ranches with a
subordinate medium and poor peasant 'pockets'. In this sub-region are included La Paz
Centro, Nagarote, Villanueva and Somotillo (Maldidier and Marchetti, 1993: 55).
In general terms, the macro-region has a dry or semiarid climate, with a short rainfall
regime of 800 to 1100 millimeters per year or more but with a very bad distribution in the
seven months of rainy season, which represents a serious limitation for the agriculture
activity of this region (Maldidier and Marchetti, 1993: 55). This natural factor is combined
with a human one, which is the fact that road infrastructure is unevenly distributed, with
many locations having difficult access during the rainy season, which makes trade difficult
for them. This is the case with many of the selected communities, particularly those of
Condega, where it is not possible to access the communities by car or bus during half of
the year, access during these periods is only by walking or using beasts such as horses,
mules or donkeys. This is the case even for communities that are relatively close to the
main urban centre of the departments. This is an important factor to take into account in
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _200
terms of the process of migration. Many of the peasants that engage a seasDnal labDur
dynamic to Costa Rica come from relatively unaccesible regions of the countryside.
As was pointed out previously, this rural communities suffer from low access to freshwater,
this also limit their productivity. In the dtyest locations of the macro-region, such as parts
of Lean and Chinandega, this factor explains the importance of economic activities such as
extensive cattle rearing. CDtton was important in this regiDn in the past, but disappeared
from the mid 80s, mainly due to international market factors. In any case, agriculture is a
risky business in this macro-region. Currently, most of it is based on basic grains of short
cycles such as maize and beans or resistant to drought, such as different varieties of
sorghum.
In terms of social structure, the two sub-regions have significant differences, on the one
hand, the Northean sub-region is mainly composed by small and medium peasants, while
the sodal structure of the plain sub-region is mainly compDsed by big landowners, medium
or rich peasants and small cattle-owners, and also a sement of poor peasants without land
Dr with small farms (less than two mau;;:pnas). These peasants wDrk for the rich peasants or
the land-owners (M:aldidier and Marchetti, 1993: 57-58).
8.2.2 Socioeconomic structure of the selected Municipalities in Le6n, Chinandega and Esteli
A final element to analyse in this chapter is the main sDdo-economic characteristics of the
rural families of the selected Municipalities. With that purpose, two main sources are
consulted, first, in the case of La Paz CentrD, Nagarote, Somotillo and Villa Nueva, the
ICIDRI data-base (2000). In the case Df Condega, the analysis is based upon the agrisocioeconomic diagnosis developed by OCTUPAN in 2003. Although not all indicatDrs are
comparable, together they give an idea of the socioeconomic conditions and characteristics
of the rural hDusehDlds.
8.2.2.1 Somotillo and Villa Nueva in Chinandega
The first municipalities analysed are SomotillD and Villa Nueva. In terms of the
economically active population, SDmDtillo had an unemplDyment rate of 25.4 percent. The
main activity of the pDpulation with employment is agriculture (79 percent), followed by
cattle ranching (13 percent). In the case of Villa Nueva, the rate Df unemployment is 23
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _201
percent. Agriculture here is the main economic activity of the employed (61 percent), which
is lower than in Somotillo. This activity is followed by cattle ranching (19 percent) and
minety (7 percent) (ICIDRI, 2000). In synthesis, the main economic activities are related to
agriculture, there is no significant level of diversification with most activity concentrated in
grains such as beans and maize. Other important economic activities are related to
'backyard' economy (economfa de patio) and cattle ranching.
In relation to the seize of the farms, most have less than 20 Mzns. This is the case for 88
percent of the total number of farms in Somotillo and 86 percent in the case of Villanueva.
However, a majority of 82.5 percent of the farms have less than 10 MZ!1s. This means that
the selected communities in Chinandega have a social structure where mini, small and
medium producers are a massive majority (ICIDRI, 2000).
A final point is related to household income generation, 34 percent of the household earn
US$ 3.00 or less per day, while 44 percent earn between US$ 3.00 and US$ 6.00, and 22
percent earn more than US$ 6.00 per day. It is important to highlight that in the survey
made by ICIDRI in 2000 in the selected communities in Chinandega, the income obtained
outside the farm represented 27 percent of the total income of the rural households, more
than the income generated by the sale of maize and beans together (20.1 percent of the
total income) (ICIDRI, 2000). In an interview with the coordinator of that research, Jaap
van deer Zee (04/02/03), he pointed out that a significant part of the income generated
outside the rural households was produced by remittances sent it by members of the family
who have migrated, mainly to Costa Rica but also to El Salvador in the case of
Chinandega.69
8.2.2.2 La Paz Centro and Nagarote in Lean
In the case of Leon (La Paz Centro and Nagarote), the analysis of the survey was mainly
focused upon land-owners that represented 95 percent of the households. In terms of the
farm size, 54 percent of the farms had 20 Mzns or less. 24.7 percent of the farms had
between 20 and 60 MZ!1s. 6.7 percent had between 60 and 100 Mzns; 8.7 percent of the
farms had between 100 and 300 MZ!1s, and 6.1 percent had more than 300 Mzns. However,
it is interesting to point out that the majority of farms were concentrated between 6 and 60
It is important to remind that the ICIDRI survey did not ask about migration within the
households, but the phenomenom came to the forefront as a research outcome.
69
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,202
M,?!,s, representing 45 percent of the total farms, meaning that in quantitative terms, there
was a majority of small or medium peasants. However, in terms of land distribution, 60
percent of the land was owned by those farmers with more than 300 M,?!,s, representing a
high level of land concentration. In relation to water, a significant number of the farms
have access because 72.5 percent of the farms have a well and 32.4 percent hand rope
pumps.
Economic activity, correlated to the significant number of mid and big farms, is diversified.
Thus, the main activity in terms of income generation is milk (20 percent) followed by
cattle (17%). Other important activities are tobacco (16 percent), peanuts (12 percent),
sorghum (10 percent). Maize only generates 7 percent of the regional income, but is the
most extensively cultivated crop, meaning that is not important as merchandise but as food
(ICIDRI, 2000). However, it is important to point out that agriculture activities and other
incomes are relatively more important in farms below 30 M'?!'s. Cattle and derivative
products such as milk or cheese (cuajada) are relatively more important in farms above 60
M,?!,s and those between 30 and 60 M,?!,s combine agriculture with cattle and other
incomes. Other income, as was mentioned before could be generated by migrant's
remittances or by income earned by members of the family that work in other farms of the
region, confirming the dual dynamic between small producers (cafnpesinos) and land-owners
that is described by Marchetti and Maldidier typology for this region.
Another important aspect is the relationship between household income per day (average)
and farm seize. There is a high correlation between these two variables. Thus, the income
per day of farms between 0-5 M,?!,s is US$ 4.0; those between 5-15 Mnzs obtain US$ 6.0;
farms between 15-30 Mzns earn US$ 7 per day; between 30 and 50 M,?!,s earn US$ 9.0;
between 50 and 100 Mzns earn US$ 11.0; between 100 and 250 M,?!,s US$ 14.0; and above
250 Mzns US$ 28.0. In terms of the poverty line, 48 percent of the household are living
under the poverty line of which 22.7 are living in conditions of extreme poverty, meaning
that 52 percent of the households are not poor, which could be a corollary of the social
structure and economic activity diversification that was described above (ICIDRI, 2000).
8.2.2.3 Condega in Esteli
The last department is Esteli, particularly the Municipality of Condega. In this case, the
information is based upon a study of the Comission of Production and Rural Development
The@s~
___________________________________________________________.203
of the Municipality of Condega (CPDR, 2003). Even though this study does not have the
same categories as ICIDRI's database, it has information that could be compare with the
Chinandega's and Lean's data.
The first indicator is about the seize of the farms, which corroborates the analysis that
defines this as a 'peasant' region. In fact, 91.7 percent of the farms are bellow 10 MiJls, of
which, 36.1 percent have 1 or less Mzns. 5.7 percent of the farms have between 11 and 20
Mzns; 2.3 percent of the farms have between 21 and 100 Mzns and only 0.3 percent of the
farms have more than 100 Mzns. This research indicates that this level of land
fragmentation increases the social vulnerability of the peasants as they calculate that a
producer require at least 4 Mzns of land to obtain enough income to survive above the
poverty line. Hence, the information they have obtained in the survey indicates that many
peasants of these communities have different strategies to diversify their household
income, including internal or transnational seasonal rural migration (CPDR, 2003).
In relation to the process of accumulation of the farmers, the research use two mam
categories, on the one hand, units of production that are only able to survive. Within this
category there are five sub-categories. On the other hand, there are units of production that
are able to accumulate.
In the survival category, the most important sub-category are those units that only produce
basic grains such as maize and beans which in fact are the majority (47.3 percent). The
second sub-category are the producers that combine basic grain with coffee (9 percent); the
third sub-category are the producers that combine basic grains with cattle (2 percent); the
fourth sub-category are those peasants that combine vegetables, and other fruits
(pineapple, passion fruit and others) with basic grains (9.7 percent), and finally, those small
producers that combine basic grains with migration, which represent 17.7 percent of the
total of the units of production, meaning that in this particular region migration is a
relevant strategy of income diversification.
In the accumulation category, there are two mam sub-categories, namely those who
accumulate combining basic grains with cattle (6.4 percent) and those who combine basic
grains with productive diversification with vegetables, fruits, and so on (8.2 percent)
(CPDR, 2003).
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _204
Conclusions
This chapter has analysed the situation of the Nicaraguan rural world in two different
scales, first, at the national level. This was relevant to this thesis because, as was pointed
out, there coexist two different Nicaraguas coexist in the country, the urban and the rural.
The first section of the chapter aimed to explain the enormous divide that separate these
two worlds. This effort was particular necessary because the analysis of next chapters is
about rural-rural migration and, without any doubt, the structural conditions and rural
transformation that have occurred in Nicaragua during the 1990s and up to the present day
are part of the necessary background for grasping why and how Nicaragua's rural world has
been converted into an expelling population platform, of mainly seasonal migration from
Nicaragua to Costa Rica.
However, and this was the second part of the chapter, rural development in Nicaragua is
uneven. Hence, it was important to analyse the main socioeconomic characteristics of the
selected departments, highlighting not only their main features but also their main
differences. For that purpose, two main databases were used, one from ICIDRl (2000) for
Lean and Chinandega and another from CPDR (2003) for Esteli. The main outcomes of
this analysis. confirmed that the studied communities respond to the more general
conceptualisation of the Nicaraguan rural structure and agro-ecological geography made by
Maldidier and Marchetti (1996). In fact, Esteli is the land of the small peasants with a great
majority with farms of less than 10 M':{!1s and mainly dedicated to basic grains. At the other
extreme is Lean, with many producers with farms between 20 and 60 M':{!1s, and with a
significant diversification of their production. Finally, Chinandega, presents a sort of
mixture between Lean and Esteli in terms of the agrarian structure and also in terms of
production diversification. High levels of poverty and extreme poverty accompanied the
the three departments, however, the more accute situation is located in Esteli.
In the following chapters, the data analysis of the selected communitieswill highlight the
main articulations between these uneven rural dynamics and the production of a rural
migratory space from Nicaragua to Costa Rica in the 1990s.
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _205
Chapter 9. Transnational rural migration from Nicaragua to Costa Rica.
Main characteristics of the households ofrural communities from Le6n,
Chinandega and Estelf.
This chapter traces the mam characteristics and dynamics of rural migration from
Nicaragua to Costa Rica from communities of three departments, Lean, Chinandega and
Estelf, seeking to explain 'who are the rural migrants', by doing an analysis of their main
demographic characteristics and the main socio-economic features of their households in
the selected communities. Most of the explanations and analysis of this chapter are made
on a general level (that is the analysis uses overall data drawn from the communities in all
three departments), however, when it is relevant for the research and the data sample
allows it, the analysis will include; a comparison across the three departments.
The objective of the analysis is not only to provide a detailed description of these
characteristics but also to analyse how different variables have influenced the decision to
migrate to Costa Rica, by mean of the use of some statistical analysis such as crosstabulation, chi-square70 and t-student71 (Field, 2000). The idea is to try to determine which
variables have a higher impact in the individual's decision to migrate to Costa Rica, without
pretending to create a statistical model, but trying to go beyond a simple description. In
this sense, this analysis could be considered exploratory.
The main levels of analysis included in the chapter are, first, the general level of migration
in the communities; and second, the main socio-demographic characteristics of the
households, such as size of the households, number of migrants, average age of the
households, gender and education and their relationships with migration. In the economic
sphere, the analysis includes annual gross income and poverty levels, annual net income,the
type of occupation of the members of the households, and the main economic activities,
type and size of the farms, as well as the origin of the owned land of the households and
their relationship with migration.
Chi-Square. This test detects whether there is a significant association between two categorical
variables. However, it does not say anything about how strong the association might be (Field, 2000: 60).
71
The independent t-test is a regression equation, with both one independent variable and one
dependent variable, in general terms, the migration level (Field, 2000: 239).
70
J
_____________________________________________________________.206
The~s,
9.1 Level ofrural migration from Nicaragua to Costa Rica
In relation to the level of migration in the studied rural communities, the main finding is
that 22.3 percent of their households have had some form of migration to Costa Rica
during the period 1990-2003, as it is possible
to
observe in Figure 10.1,
. RuralCommunitl.es of Lean, Esteli
Igure 9. 1: House h 0 Id s Wl·th rmgratlonm
and Chinandega to Costa Rica .
Frequency Percent
Households without migration to CR
446
77.7
Households with Migration to CR
128
22.3
Total
574
100.0
.
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberta. Rural.Migratlon database.
This result is close to the national average, which is close to 20 percent (INEC, 2004)
however, it is higher than national rural migration levels which are recorded at between 5
and 10 percent, according to official sources." This reminds us that this sample has no
pretension of being representative of national trends, but only representative for the
studied communities. This result indicates that transnational migration is a significant part
of the socio-economic and cultural life of these communities, affe cting one out of every
five households. However, it is important to point out .that there are significant differences
among the three departments in terms of the level of migration, as is possible to observe in
Figure 9.2,
Figure 9.2: Households with migration to Costa Rica by selecte d rural communities
of the Departments (percent).
Le6n
Households without migration to CR
90.4
Households with migration to CR
9.6
Source: Cartes Ramos, Alberta. Rural.Migration database.
EsteIl
58.8
41.2
Chinande a
82.S
17.5
The rural communities from La Paz Centro and Nagarote in Lean have the lowest rate of
rural migration to Costa Rica, namely 9.7 percent, very similar to th e national percentage of
2001, and, at the opposite end of the scale is Esteli with the highest rate, an impressive
For example in the National Household Survey of 2001, the level of rur a1 migration was 10 percent.
In the same Survey of 2004, the level of rural migration was 4.8 percent, the difference between these values
that could be an indication of a reduction in migration, as has been pointed out by some scholars in Costa
Rica (INEC, 2001 and 2004; OIM, 2006).
72
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,207
41.2 percent of households with migration to Costa Rica. Chinandega is in the middle of
both extremes with 17.5 percent. In terms of the total number of households with
migration, Esteli captured 58.6 percent of them, followed by Chinandega with 26.6% and
Lean with 14.8%. The differences between the three departments could be explained by
the interaction of a variety of factors. First, the existence of migration to other countries
that were not studied. In this case, the case of rural migration from Chinandega to El
Salvador is important. Another factor is the existence of internal migration within the
department or the country; this seems to be particularly important in Lean's case. Finally, it
is important to mention that, even within the department with the highest level of
migration, that is Esteli, there are important differences between the communities in
relation to their level of migration to Costa Rica. Some communities registered 90 percent
of male migration in the harvest period (for example, San Jose de Pire), whilst other
communities have practically nO migration (Venecia).
In this case, it is interesting to point out that the semi-structured interviews as well as the s
indicated that this important difference in the level of migration in rural communities is
related to ideological dimensions as well as material conditions in the communities. Thus,
in the communities with strong groups of Liberal sympathisers the level of migration is
higher than in the communities where the Sandinistas are the biggest group. For the
former, to leave is a practical issue (survival), for the latter to migrate is an action close to
betrayal. For them, they have to stay and defend their land. Apart from that, the
communities with a Sandinista majority tend to have more social organisation and, in some
cases, they have developed cooperative projects apart from their individual farms. 1bis is
the case ofVenecia, where the community managed 200 MZJ1s of land dedicated to forestry,
an activity that generates an extra income for the members, reducing the pressure to
migrate.
9.1.1 Number ofmigrants and their weight (percent) per households
The next variable to analyse is the number of migrants per households. As pointed out in
Figure 9.3, 60.3 percent of the households with migration have only one migrant, followed
by 23.5 percent of the households with two migrants. However, almost one household in
every five has three or more migrants.
The~s,
__________________________________________________________
~208
Figure 9.3: Number of migrants per household with rural migration to Costa Rica.
Three or more
migrants; 17,9
----- _
......
------
.-.-------------------.-.-.-.-.-.--~·.t
- -.:-:-:-:-:-:-:.-.
,,':-.
Two migrants; 23,5
One migrant; 60,3
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural :Migration database.
The level of emigration showed in Figure 9.3, in which forty percent of household with
migration have two or more of their members engaged in this dynamic, is an indication of
the importance of migration within the survival strategies of households, which is
confirtned by the fact that 20.1 percent of the members of these households have migrated
to Costa Rica in the studied period.
When the analysis moves from the overall data to the department scale, some differences
come between, on the one hand, national and department scales, and, on the other hand,
among the three departments. In this particular case, the main differences are at the
department level, where Esteli has a higher percent of members that migrate to Costa Rica
in comparison with Leon and Chinandega, as shown in Figure 9.4.
Figure 9.4: Percent of Migrants to Costa Rica as percent of the total household
members by Department.
Thesi~
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~209
Migrants/Total Members by Department (0/0)
17.9
..
"
::::: ::
:
:=::::::
:;:.
......
HHT:t-----t
.
....
:t-----t
..
','
"
Le6n
Estelf
Chinandega
Source: Cartes Ramos, Alberta. Rural Migration database.
Although more variables are analysed below, it is possible to correlate the high level of
migration from Esteli with two main elements of this region, namely the highest level of
poverty of the three departments and a much higher level of small peasants.
9.2 Main sodo-demographic characteristics and migration experiences of the
households
We now move onto look at the major sodo-demographic characteristics of the households
which comprise the studied communities and their relationship to the level of migration in
each household. The first charateristic to be explored is the size of the household unit and
its relationship with migration.
9.2.1 Household Composition and migration
A very important socio-demographic feature of the household is its composition, meaning
by this the number of members per household. Figure 10.5 shows the data for the total
sample, an average of 5.8 members per households. There are no significant differences
between the departments.
Figure 9.5: Average Composition of Household
(average) for the full sample and b, Department.
IDepartment
Mean
I
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,210
Total
5.8
Lean
5.9
Esteli
5.5
Chinandega
6.0
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural.Migratlon database.
However, when the average composition of the household is cross-tabulated with the
migration variable (migration/no migration), the situation changes as observed in Figure
9.6.
Figure 9.6: Comparison of Average Household Composition with
h ouse h 0 Id SW!'th and W!·th out migratIOn to Costa Ri ca.
Households
Mean
With migration to Costa Rica
6.8
Without migration to Costa Rica
5.5
Source: Cartes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
The average size of household in the case of the migrant households is 6.8, a level which is
higher than the case of non-migrant households (without migration), which have an
average of 5.5 members. This difference is significant in statistical terms. 73 This difference
in composition beween households with and without migration is relevant within all three
departments, although it is clearly higher in Lean where the households with migration
have an average composition of 9.2 members, whilst those without migration have an
average of 5.6 (Figure 9.1). This factor could help to explain the level of migration in this
department. To put it in other words, in the case of Lean, the higher the number of
members of the household, the higher the probabilities of the household having
experienced some migration to Costa Rica. This is not a causal relationship, but the data
indicates the existence of a significance correlation between these two variables in the case
of this department.
The Chi sq. is 0.000, meaning that there exist a significant statistical asociation between the
household size and the level of migration.
73
The~s
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _---,,-_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _211
Figure 9.7: Average number of Household Members per household of Lean,
Chinandega and Esteli with and without migration to Costa Rica.
~9=,2/ 1
'1/
--l
100
9,0
__________
V
8'°1/
7,0
6,0
V
V
6,2
5,6
Il~8
I
5'°1/
4'°1/
5
C With migration to
Costa Rica
I-
f---
E] Without migration
to Costa Rica
3,0 /
2'°1/
of---
1'°1/
0,0
:-
Ikon
Chinandega
:f--Esteli
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
In the case of Chinandega and Esteli, whilst it is also true that there is a difference in the
average composition of households with and without migration, it is not as salient as in
Lean, sugesting that there are other more significant factors contributing towards the
explanation of migration to Costa Rica, as will be explained in the following sections.
9.2.2 Household dependency ratio
This section analyses the dependency ratio, a figure which combines the size or
composition of the household with the number of members that earn an income within the
household. The idea is to find out the effect of this variable in the decision of members of
the household to migrate to Costa Rica.
The database produced for this research has enough information within it that the number
of members of each household that are working and earning income in relation to those
that are not working can be calculated. Thus, this ratio was calculated by dividing the
number of members of each household that are working (full time or temporarily) by the
total number of members of the household. The key feature to define if someone
working is the income earning capacity. The outcome is shown in the Figure 9.8,
IS
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~21
Figure 9.8: Dependency Ratio in Households with and without migration
to Costa Rica.
28,1
22,6
./
i
1-------1
I
Households without migration
Households with Migration
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural :Migration database.
The cross-tabulation of the dependency ratio with the migration level for each household
indicates that there are more dependent members in households without migration (28.1
percent) than in those with it (22.6 percent). This difference is significant (t. 0,008),
meaning that the households with a lower number of dependent members tend to have
more migration than those with higher numbers of dependent members. This correlation
could be explained by the fact that many of these households are conformed by young
couples that use migration as an strategy to buy land or to expand their small farms. This is
particularly clear in Esteli.
However, when the analysis moves from the general to the departmental scale, important
differences arise. Chinandega, is the department with the highest percentage of dependent
members in both households with migration (35.5 percent of members) and without (33.8
percent). Although it is the only department where the dependency ratio of households
with migration is higher than those without migration, this variable does not explain the
difference between the decision to migrate or stay. In other words, the relationship is not
significant enough to explain the level of migration from this particular department. In the
case of Lean, the dependency ratio makes no difference to the level of migration of
households. Esteli is the only case where there is a significant difference between the
households with and without migration in terms of this variable. To start with, there is an
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~213
Thesi~
important dissimilarity in the dependency ratio, with 25.3 percent for households with
migration and only 15.6 percent for those without migration. This disparity has a very high
statistical significance (t. 0.001), meaning that for this department the main trend is that the
higher the number of dependent members of a household, the higher the probabilities of
migration. Figure 9.9 gives complementary information that helps to explain this
relationship,
Figure 9.9: Dependent members (percent) in households with and without migration
to Costa Rica b de artment.
LE N
Households
with
Mi
ESTELI
Households
Households
CHINANDEGA
Households
ration
Households
with
Mi
Households
ation
No
de endents
One to two
Three and
26.0
32.0
35.0
42.0
44.0
43.0
35.0
41.0
14.0
43.0
23.0
34.0
more
42.0
23.0
13.0
24.0
26.0
43.0
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural.Migration database.
These results indicate that Esteli is the department with the highest number of households
with no dependent members, and this is the department with the highest level of migration
of the total sample, with 44 percent of these households with migration to Costa Rica.
In this case, analysis can be complemented by information obtained in the semi-structured
interviews with migrants of Condega, Esteli, in which the interviewees made it clear that a
significant proportion of the people that migrate are young men starting their independent
life with no civil commitments who conceive of migration as an intelligent strategy to save
money both for buying land and for getting married. However, another interesting element
to mention is that they also expressed that the migration experience gave them a sense of
'freedom' and 'enjoyment' that they cannot obtain in their villages.
In cultural terms, for the young men migration is becoming an important ritual which is
gone through in order to gain their passage to adulthood. This element generates concern
in some of the adults, because they perceive that the young people are migrating even when
they have good conditions for working within their own community, which is perceived as
a sort of 'land abandonment' (Monge, SEI, 23/03/03).
The~,
_____________________________________________________________,214
9.2.2 Average age of household members
The average age of the household members is closely related to the previous factor. Again,
the objective is to explore if this variable has relevance in the decision to migrate to Costa
Rica. The following Figure 9.1 0 shows the results for the combined total households from
all three departments.
Figure 9.10: Average age of the members of
h ouseh 0 Id SW!·th and W!·th out rrugratlon.
N
Mean
Households with migration
128
26.2
Households without migration
445
27.0
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural :Migration database.
In general terms, there is a small difference in average age between households with
migration and those without. On average, the former households have younger members
than the latter; although the relationship is not significant in statistical terms, suggesting
that this variable makes no significant difference to migration level within the households.
The situation changes when the same variable is analysed at the departmental level, as is
shown in Figure 9.11.
Figure 9.11: Average age of household members for households with and without
migration to Costa Rica.
rJ With Migration
toCR
[J
General
Le6n
Estell
Chinandega
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
Without
Migration
Thesi~
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~215
Figure 9.11 points out two important findings, on the one hand, the three departments
each demonstrate important differences in the average age of households between those
households with migration and those without. Lean has the highest average age, namely
30.1 years for households with migration and 31.5 years for those without; followed by
Esteli, with an average age of 26.6 years for those households with migration and 23.1 years
for those without. The lowest average ages are for households from Chinandega, with 23.1
years in the case of the households with migration and 24.8 years in those without.
The above figures also show that the only department with important differences betweenn
the average age of households with migration and those without is Esteli, where
households with migration have a higher average age (26.6) than those without migration to
Costa Rica (23.1). This is the only department where the age differences are significant in
statistical terms (migrations cross by age, t. 0,007), which could imply that households with
a higher average age tend to have more migration than those with a lower average, which is
not related to the age of the migrant.
9.2.3 Age average 0/ migrants
Continuing with this variable, another important dimension to analyse is the comparison of
the average age between migrants and non migrants. As was pointed out in the previous
chapter, in general terms, the migrants are younger than the non migrants. Hence, it is
important to see the pattern of this variable in the case of rural migration in particular. The
findings of this research confirm this trend. Figure 9.12 shows general outcomes and by
department:
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _.216
Figure 9.12: Age average of migrants and non migrants.
[;l
Migrants
I:l Non Migrants
General
Le6n
Estell
Chinandega
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
In general terms, the findings indicate the existence of a significant difference in the
average age of migrants and non migrants, the former are significantly younger (26 y.o. in
average) than the latter (31.6 y.o. in average). This general difference is statistically
significant and, hence, is a factor that can be considered to contribute towards explaining
this particular rural migration process, meaning that the age is important in the migration
decision process. In that sense, the younger people are, the higher the probabilities that
they decide to migrate. However, it is important to highlight that when the same variable is
disaggregated by department, in statistical terms this dimension is stronger in Chinandega's
case (t. 0.001). In this department those who migrate have an average age of 27.6 and those
who stay have an average age of 33.5.
In general terms, the findings in this section coincide with the results of other studies about
the demographic features of Nicaraguan migration to Costa Rica (Rosales et al, 2001) which
have indicated that on average migrants are younger than those who stay in Nicaragua or
the national population in Costa Rica. Most of the migrants are between 17 and 45 years
old, and for that reason could be considered to belong to the most productive sector in
terms of the economically active population. From this perspective they could be
considered a loss for the expelling country and a gain to the recipient country.
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,217
9.2.4 Gender of the migrants
Another very important characteristic to analyse is the gender of the migrants. Most of the
literature indicates that rural migration is a more male oriented phenomenon than a female
one. It is what Chant formulates as the spatial divisions of labour which arise between
household members in these different aspects of survival closely correspond with gender
divisions of labour: men form the bulk of seasonal labour migrants, while women tend to
remain behind in the towns to manage domestic work and child-care (Chant, 1991).
This is also the case of the rural migration from Nicaragua to Costa Rica, as pointed out in
the previous chapter 7. The findings of the survey in relation to this point were the
following (Figure 9.13):
Figure 9.13: Gender of rural migrants to Costa Rica (percent).
32%
[] Men
o Women
68%
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
The overall data confirms the previously mentioned trend, namely that rural migration
counts with a higher presence of men with almost 70 percent of the total. This is not a
minor point, it implies the existence of a clear division of labour within rural Nicaraguan
households in which women are left in charge, not only of the reproductive realm by taking
care of children, but also in assuming management of the 'domestic' economy [economia
de patio] related to daily survival activities. Furthermore, in some cases women are in
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _218
charge of rhe first planting and harvesting of maize and beans. As was pointed out in one
of the s with women (FG1, 25/04/03), this implies a significant increase in rhe amount and
time of work for women wirh husbands or partners rhat migrate. Men are generally
responsible for most of rhe involvement of rhe household in the productive realm,
including rheir insertion in labour markets in order to generate income.
Anorher important element rhat was pointed out in rhe was that, in general terms, women
suffered from rhe experience of migration within rheir families, not only because of rhe
physical separation from rheir family members but also because rhey are constantly worried
about rhe situation of rheir relatives in Costa Rica. It is important to bear in mind rhat most
of these migrants are not documented and for rhat reason are vulnerable to abuse from
contractors and rhe Costa Rican immigration aurhorities. However, an analysis of this
variable at rhe departmental level, shows some important gender differences in migration
patterns between rhe three departments, as is pointed out in Figure 9.14,
Figure 9.14: Distribution of migration by gender and by department (percent).
90~"r-
______________
80V
70 V{-:(~I
60
50
40
30
~82,r_-1
70,6
V ..
n
52,1
V ~
[] Men
1/
DWomen
V
20/
10/
/
1-
v
Leon
Chinandega
Estell
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
In this case, Leon has a significant difference in relation to the orher departments, showing
a very high presence of female migration (52.1 percent), to rhe extent rhat female migration
levels are even higher than rhose for male migration (47.9 percent). At rhe other extreme,
Thesi~
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _219
Esteli shows the highest level of masculine migration (82.8 percent) and, consequently, the
lowest female migration of the three departments. Chinandega has a pattern closer to
Esteli, with a higher rate of male migration (70.6%) in relation to female migration. This
significant difference in the gender composition of migrants between Leon and the other
two departments could be explained by a combination of factors. For example, Leon is the
most urbanised department of the three, and rural households are more dependent on
generating income to survive as was analysed earlier in this chapter. Hence, the
participation of women in income generation activ~s
has been more necessary than in the
case of the other departments. Apart from this, Leon is also the least rural in cultural terms,
levels of education are higher, the department has better infrastructure and has more travel
facilities than Esteli and Chinandega. The migration of women to Costa Rica has other
implications, apart from the fact that they are normally over-exploited in comparison with
the Costa Rican labour force. The most painful part of this survival strategy is the
separation of the families, particularly in the case of the mother and their children. A factor
that worsens the psychological impact of this element is, not only the physical separation,
but also the lack of communication because most of these communities lack even a basic
public phone system through which they might be able to keep in contact with their family
members in Costa Rica (Monge, SEI, 23/03/03).
9.2.5 Education level and migration
The database constructed for this research includes information about the level of
education of household members. In line with the previous variables, it is important to
explore the level of education in both migrants and non migrants in order to see if there are
significant differences between them. The literature reviewed (Acuna, 2000; Rosero-Bixby,
2001 and 2004) shows that, both in general terms and in the specific case of Nicaragua's
migration, on average migrants have a higher level of education than non migrants.
However, these assertions are largely based upon observations from urban oriented
research. This analysis provides information about whether this trend also prevails for rural
migration, at least in the studied communities. Figure 9.16 shows the main categories in
education levels based around the years that the individual has been studying in the formal
systems of literacy.
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 220
Figure 9.15: Education level in accordance
to ears of literae
Education Level
Years
o
0,5
3
6
9
11
10
14
16
Incom lete Seconda
The outcome of analysis of this variable shows that, on average, migrants to Costa Rica
have a higher level of education than those that stay, as is shown in Figure 9.16,
Figure 9.16: Level of Education in Migrants and Non Migrants (average years of
schooling).
Level of Education in accordance to years ofliteracy ( average)
Migrant
Non Migrant
Source: Cortes Ramos. Alberto. Rural Migration database.
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _.221
In statistical terms, this difference is significant (t.student 0,008), meaning that those who
have completed more years of education show a greater tendency to migrate more than
those with less years of education. We have to be careful about how we interpret this since
this trend is related to the fact that young people (17-25 years old) have tended to complete
more years in formal education, than those above that age. However, the data also
illustrates the low level of schooling of all of the respondents, i.e. the high proportion of
both migrants and non-migrants who had not completed even primary grade schooling. On
this factor, there are no significant differences between the departments.
The generally low level of education is not the only factor, but it does help to explain the
type of labour market insertion these migrants experience in Costa Rica, mainly in the
famous three D jobs, dirty, dangerous and difficult, and also low-paid, most of these jobs
are unskilled jobs in the agticultural sector.
9.3 Main economic characteristics of the households with and without
migration
This section analyses the main economic characteristics of the households with and
without migration to Costa Rica, with the purpose of exploring which economic factors
contribute to explaining their migration dynamics. The main analysed variables are type of
economic activity, size of farm, type of property, income and expenses.
9.3.1 Annualgross and net income, poverty and migration
Household gross income is a very important variable for getting an idea of the economic
situation of these rural communities, including their level of poverty, and how these
characteristics have an effect on the decision of household members to migrate to Costa
Rica. The official definition of the poverty line in Nicaragua is an income of US$ 104.00
per month, meaning US$ 1248.00 per year (INEC, 2001). The data gathered for this
research allows us to calculate two different indicators, the first is the Annual Gross
Income in US dollars, which means that is possible to define the percent of households
below the poverty line that live in these communities,. including those with and without
migration. The other important indicator is the Annual Net Income, which is the result of
the difference between the Annual Gross Income and the Annual Gross Expenditure, as is·
shown in the two following figures 9.17 and 9.18,
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~2
Figure 9.17: Households below and above the poverty line. General,
with and without migration (percent).
..~ ..~ ..~. .. ~. ..".-~
..~. .. ~ .. ~ ..~ ..~ ..r-.~
10%~-.
90%
::::¥.'<::
H)6:1 H
84,4
83,7
<)2,7(~
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
87,3
30%
20%
10%
O%+-____l -____~L_
__-~
____r_-~LA
General
Without .Migration
With Migration
ICl Bellow the poverty line Cl Above the poverty line I
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Mgration database.
The first element to highlight from this figure is the sheer size of the rural poverty in the
studied communities. Although the poverty is higher in households with migration, the
gross income per year is not significant in statistical terms in relation to migration. To put it
in different words, migration is a phenomenon that involves families that are above and
below the poverty line. The following Figure 9.18 shows the poverty line for households
with and without migration to Costa Rica by department.
Figure 9.18: Households with and without migration below the poverty line by
department (percent).
120,0
~-
100
100,0 +-=~
rn Households
80,0 +-~=_I
without
migration
60,0
El Households wit
migration
40,0
20,0
0,0 +-1=:l._JL~"'
Bellow the poverty line Bellow the poverty line Bellow the poverty line
Le6n
EsteH
Chinandega
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
Thesi~
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _223
Even taking into account the general maSSiveness of the poverty in these rural
communities, Figure 9.18 highlights the existence of a very unequal distribution of poverty
between the departments. Lean has the lowest rate of households below the poverty line of
the three departments and is the only one close to the official Nicaraguan government data
which suggests that national rural poverty is at a level of 67.8 percent (INEC, 2001: 8). In
relation to migration, this is the only department where the number of poor families with
migration (63.2 percent) is higher than those without it (67.8 percent). In Chinandega, the
poverty level is very high, reaching in the case of the households with migration, 95.5
percent. However, the most dramatic cases are the communities of Esteli, where 100
percent of the households, regardless of whether they have experienced migration, are
poor. This helps to explain why the income indicator is not significant in statistical terms
for explaining the rural migration of these communities to Costa Rica and also shows the
limitations of income as the main variable to define poverty.
In fact, this outcome also feeds doubts about the capacity of this indicator to capture the
real living conditions of the households. The main limitation of this indicator is its serious
difficulty in capturing those economic activities of the micro-economy of the family that
are not driven by the monetary economy, and hence, by the household income. In the
peasant economy it is quite common that the consumption capacity is higher than that
shown by the income indicator, and that important activities are not articulated to the
market but to the direct reproduction of the rural or peasant households (Maldidier and
Marchetti, 1996: 3-40; Escobar, 1995: 154-182). Even within this reductionist apptoach it is
possible to find elements to contradict this measure. In this case, the indicator proposed is
the Net Income, which is the subtraction between the household's annual gross income
and the annual gross expenditures. The results can be seen in Figure 9.19,
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~24
Figure 9.19: Households with Annual Income Surplus (percent). General, with and
without migration.
39,3
General
Households without
migration
Households with migration
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural :Migration database.
This indicator gives a very different picture of the poverty situation in the studied
communities. Although there are still an important group of households that have a
negative annual net income, the proportion of households with surplus is considerably
greater than those that are calculated to be over the poverty line. In relation to migration,
there are more households with negative annual net income amongst those with migration
(39.3 percent) than in those without (45.8 percent), or to put it another way, the annual net
income of the families without migration is higher than the families with migration and this
relation is significant (chi sq. 0,042), but not very strong. Figure 103 shows the same
variable by department. In this case, as was the case with the annual gross income, there are
important differences between the three departments,
225
Thesis
Figure 9.20: Households with Annual Surplus (percent). General, with and without
migration in Lean, Chinandega and Esteli.
~Genral
~
Households
without
migration
IJ Households wit
migration
Le6n
EsteH
Chinandega
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Nfigration database.
A general characteristic that catches the attention is the significant difference in terms of
positive annual net income between the three departments, with Lean with the highest
percent of households with surplus (an average of 63.1), Chinandega in a middle position
(443 percent), and Esteli with the lowest percent of households with surplus (23.4 percent).
The data shows that Lean and Chinandega have greater levels of migration in households
with surplus than in those with negative annual net income, but when the Chi Square is
applied this difference is not significant. In the case of Esteli there are no major differences
in the levels of migration between those households with negative and positive annual net
income. This outcome confirms the fact that it is not always the poorest who migrate. The
process of migration requires a certain level of investment such as travel expenditure and,
the first month of survival in the recipient country, expenditures which make it very
The@s~
___________________________________________________________,226
difficult for the poorest to travel. In the case of Lean and Chinandega the largest group of
migrants belong to those households with positive net income.
9.3.2 Occupation and migration
These are rural communities, in the sense that most of the members of the households
work in agriculture or catde ranching activities, this is true for all three departments. These
activities are considered unskilled. Figure 9.21 gives a general idea of the main occupations
of the members of the interviewed households, showing that almost 52 percent work in
agriculture or catde ranching, that the next highest ranked activity is studying, which is not
an occupation in economic terms.
Figure 9.21: Main occupations in the interviewed rural households.
Main Occupations (percent)
Students, 30.9
Unemployed, 1.7
Agriculture and <:aIde
Ranching, 516
Conunercial
activities, omen, 7.1
Industrial Worker, Minery,
Public services, 1.9 ~
'"""m"on, .pd",re security,
4.9
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural :Migration database.
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _227
Figure 9.22: General occupation of the household members without students.
General occupations without students
Commercial and
profesional activities,
others, 10.3
Unemployed, 2.5
Domestic activities,
Agriculture and Catcle
Ranching, 74.7
Public services, 2.8----",<1
Industrial Worker,
Minery> construction,
private security, 7.1
Source: Cartes Ramos, Alberto. Rural :Migration database.
Almost 75 percent of the total members who are in employment (part-time and full-time)
within the households work in activities related to agriculrure and cattle ·ranching. The
second most common category is occupation in commercial and professional activities with
10.3 percent. The third category is composed of industrial jobs, mining, construction and
areas such as private security, with 7.1 percent. The low level of unemployment in the
interviewed households is surprising. Maybe this is related to the fact that most of the
households have their own farm and for that reason they do not consider themselves as
unemployed when they have their land to work.
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _228
Figure 9.23: Main occupations in non migrants and migrants to Costa Rica.
Main occupations between non migrants and migrants to Costa Rica
a Nan migrants (percent)
• Migrants. (f'ercent)
2.2
Agrklllture
and Cattle
Ranching
Industrial
Worker,
Minef}',
Puhlic
services
Domestic
activities
~onstruci,
private
Commercial
and
profesional
actirities,
othen
Srnae.nt
Unemployed
security
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural "Migration datbse~
Three main differences are evident in the occupation composition of those households
with migration to Costa Rica and those without. First, a significantly higher presence of
those working in agriculture and cattle ranching in the migrants (57.3 percent) in relation to
the non migrants (49.3 percent); second, a lower presence of students in the migrants (25.9
percent) than in the non migrants (32.9 percent), but still a considerably higher level of
migration for people still at school. A probable explanation for this phenomenon is the
seasonal characteristic of some migration which could allow school children to migrate
during their longest holidays (mid-December to beginning of March) and return just before
the beginning of the school year. In this way, they could eam some income to help the
family and also save some for their future plans, including buying land and getting married,
as was discussed in the previous chapter.
A final element to highlight is that although the rate of unemployment within the
household members is very low, the figure is still lower in the case of household members
that migrate to Costa Rica (0.4 percent). This is an interesting outcome for two reasons;
first, the migrants are not the unemployed prior to leaving for Costa Rica or those in the
worst economic circumstances, a very common stereotype in depictions of migrants in
recipient countries. And, second, it gives a clue about what the migrants and their
households are looking for in Costa Rica when they migrate, which is not a permanent job
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _--,--_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,229
but a source of extra-income to work their piece of land in Nicaragua. This is also an
important difference from the urban migration from Nicaragua to Costa Rica. The
migrants that go to the cities are generally seeking permanent or semi-permanent jobs and,
in most cases, they are looking to stay for a longer period than the rural migrants.
9.3.3 Main economic activities of the households
Figure 9.24 shows the main economic activities of households with and without migration
to Costa Rica. The first element to notice is that a very high proportion of the interviewed
households are in fact basic grains producers, 95.6 percent of the households without
migration, and 99.3 percent of the households with migration. This represents practically
the totality of the members of the sample, meaning that this is a central economic activity
and characteristic of these rural communities. In this case, there is no significant difference
in statistical terms between the households with and without experience of migration.
Figure 9.24: Main economic activities of households with and without
migration to Costa Rica.
~
Households
without
migration
t::lI Households
with
migration
Basic
Grains
livestock
Vegetables
Firewood
Commerce
Wage
earning
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
Although there were a range of other economic activities developed by the households,
two of them are particularly important in relation to this research. The first of these is the
rearing of livestock. 51.4 percent of the households without migration include the rearing
of cattle as one of their economic activities, whilst only 32.8 percent of the households with
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _230
migration are involved in this sector. When the chi sq is applied to this variable, this
difference is calculated as significant in statistical terms (chi sq 0,000). This could be
interpreted as suggesting that households with catde have less migration than those
without, or, alternatively, that catde rearing reduces the economic pressure to migrate. This
issue was explored further in the qualitative research conducted in Condega, in which some
of the interviewed migrants explained that livestock (in this case, catde or pigs), are
conceived of as forms of capital that in emergency situations (including economic crisis),
could be sold to generate resources. At the same time, livestock also give products,
including milk and derivatives, that contribute to the household income.
The other important economic activity is the wage labour conducted by some member (or
members) of the household, away from the economic activities of the farm. To a lesser
degree than was the case with the previous variable (chi sq 0,028), this could contribute to
reducing the pressure to migrate, or, to put it another way, households with wage earners
have a lower migration rate than those households without this economic activity.
As with previous variables, when the household 'economic activity' is disaggregated by
department, important differences from the general outcomes for this level come to the
fore. Along these lines, contrary to the case with the total data, in the case of Chinandega
there are no significant differences between households with and without migration to
Costa Rica in terms of any of the different activities described in this section. In the case of
Le6n, an activity that was not significant in the general dimension is significant at this scale,
vegetable production. The households that develop this activity tend to have less migration
than those without it. In the case of Esteli, as well as Le6n, there is one variable that is not
significant at the general level but is at the department scale, namely forestry. In both
departments, those households with involvement in forestry activities have a much lower
tendency to migrate than those households without that involvement.
In this case, it is interesting to point out that Ligia Monge 74 (in an interview conducted on
23/03/03), highlighted the fact that the community of Venecia is part of a local region
benefited by the Agrarian Reform during the Sandinista Revolution, and that they still have
a cooperative that owns approximately two hundred Mf!1s of land, used for commercial
forestry. The extra income that the community obtains from selling timber is an important
74
Director of OCTUPAN, an NGO dedicated to promote rural development in Condega, Esteli.
-
-
--
-
--------------------------------------------------------------,
Thesis;________________________________________________.231
income for those households, allowing them to avoid migration. Furthermore, in this case
ideology is important, as many of the families in this region continue to be Sandinista and
for many of them to migrate would be
to
abandon their land, so the majority of them have
decided to stay and struggle against the policies that are pressurizing them to migrate to
Costa Rica.
In summary, these fmdings confirm what is becoming one of the important findings of this
research, that migration patterns differ according to the scale of analysis but also that rural
communities with similar structural conditions can differ markedly in their migration
outcomes.
9.3.4 Type ifproperty, size if the landfor production if the households and migration
This section analyses another important economic variable or factor, namely the type and
size of the property of the household. The land could be partially rented, shared or could
also be owned by the household. The other dimension of the variable is the size of the land
that the household is using. The intention here is to explore if a relationship exists between
these two dimensions of property size and ownership type and rhe presence of migration in
the households.
In relation to the first dimension, that is the type of property of each household, Figure
9.25 shows the main findings. The most important fact is that patrerns of land use are very
similar, with no significant differences between the households with and without migration.
The other important finding is that practica1Jy all of the interviewed households have access
to land, (via a range of different property types) and that the most important property type
for all groups is
land ownership, which accounts for 90 percent of the households
surveyed in the sample. In this sense, this particular dimension makes no difference in
relation to migration to Costa Rica.
Thesisi_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _.232
Figure 9.25: Type of property of the land used by the households with and without
migration (percent).
/
/
80,0
/
70,0
882
87,1
90,0
60,0
50,0
40,0
30,0
20,0
10,0
0,0
/
1/
1/
V
V
1//
,
17,9
~
1/
Own Land (mzl
7,1
Households
without
Migration
£]
Households
with Migration
7!
lJ/
-rB:E:l
Rent Land (mz)
Cj
Share Land (mzl
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
Figure 9.26: Type of property and size (M,<!,s, Mean) of Land used by the households
with and without migration to Costa Rica.
35,0
/
30,0
1/
25,0
20,0
15,0
31,7
/
1/
1/
EJ Households
95
without Migration
10,0 /
5,0
5,5
1/
/
0,0 -
2,5
~
~
Own Land (mz)
~
1l
2,1
'"
Rent Land (rnz)
V
1
,7
Il Households with
Migration
v /
Share Land (mz)
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural1vUgration database.
The other important dimension to analyse in relation to this variable is the size of the land
used by the households. Figure 9.26 summarises the main findings. There are significant
differences between the size of land holdings of households with and without migration.
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _233
This difference is particularly important in the case of owned land. In the case of the
household without migration, the average holding is 31.7 MZns while in the households
with migration to Costa Rica the average size is 9.5 Mzns, which is significant in statistical
terms (Sig. 0,001). This could be interpreted as suggesting that those households with more
land tend to migrate less than those households with less land. In this case, there are no
significant differences in this relationship between the general and departmental levels.
9.3.5 Origin ofpropertJ ownership and migration
The variable analysed in this section, the origin of the property owned by the households,
is complementary to the variable analysed in the previous section. The intention is to
explore if there is any relationship between migration and this variable. Nicaragua is a
country with a very complex property system rooted in its history of dramatic social
changes in political and economic regimes over the last three decades. In the case of the
Nicaraguan counttyside, this is a very important issue because during the 1980s, in the
context of the revolutionary agrarian reform, approximately two million manzanas were
distributed in a range of different property forms, as discussed in chapter 7. Then, with the
change of regime, there was a massive transformation of land ownership, including the
privarisation of hundreds of rural assets and properties that were state owned.
The findings analysed in this section are valid only for the households with their own land
(84 percent of the total sample). As is shown in Figure 9.27, the data indicates some salient
differences between the households with and without migration in relation to the origin of
the land they own. There are two particularly significant differences. On the one hand,
there is a higher percentage of households with migration that have bought their land (46.6
percent) in relation to those without migration with the same kind of property origin (33.7
percent). On the other hand, this pattern is inverted in the case of households with
property obtained via the agrarian reform. In this case, households with migration have a
lower percentage of this kind of property (15.3 percent) than those households without
migration (27.1 percent). Both of these property types have a significant and contradictory
effect on migration (chi sq. 0,019). In the former case, the households that have bought
their land tend to have more migration than those had not. And in the case of the latter,
the households with land obtained through the agrarian reform tend to migrate less than
those that did not. In the other categories, the difference is not so relevant because the
cases are few.
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,234
Figure 9.27: Origin of the land owned by the households with and without migration.
500 /
45,0
46,6
i/
1/ f--V f.w,I
35,0'
V
30,0'
40,0
25,0
V
20,0'
1/
15,0
V
1/
1/
5,0'
1/
v,v
10,0
"e
-
~
~
~
1-
Bought Land
11
'"
~
16,6 _"'
1-
f--Inherited
I!J Households
without
migration
115,3
Agrarian
0,3 0,8
Exchange
Reform
~
Other
~'"
[l Households
with
migration
New
Individual
Property
Source: Cartes Ramos, Alberta. Rural :Migration database.
When the analysis of this variable is conducted at the departmental level, the only
department in which the variable continues to be significant, i.e. relevant in explaining the
migration pattern of households, is Esteli (chi sq 0,004). In this case, it repeats the same
pattern as the general level; households with 'bought land' tend to have more migration
(53.1 percent of households with migration compared to 27.4 percent without). However,
in the case of inherited land and land obtained through the agrarian reform, the pattern is
the opposite with more households without migration than with it. In the case of Esteli,
the interview with Iigia Monge, as well as the views expressed' in the Community
Workshop (19/05/03) with the social and political leadership of the studied communities,
btings interesting information about why the households that were benefited by the
agrarian reform have lower rates of migration than those without this kind of property.
This is related to the agrarista ideology that most of the peasants benefited by the
revolution still have. Along these lines, they have a negative perception of migration. For
them, to migrate is a sort of betrayal of their agrarian roots. They feel that they have to stay
and work the land, as well as to struggle against the conditions that are forcing them to
migrate. At the same time, in the case of the communities of Esteli, most households not
only have their small plot of land, but also a share in cooperative land turned over to
forestry. This generates a complementary income that probably allows them to overcome
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _- - -_ _ _ _~235
critical situations and to survive without recourse to migration. In contrast, in Pire most of
the households bought their pieces of land, and for them, migration is a practical issue, a
strategy that allows them to get enough mcome to enable them to continue to work their
farm, so they do it. With the accumulative repetition of migration, other elements (in
addition to the economic factor) start to play in the decision making, such as cultural
elements that pressure young people to experience migration.
Conclusions
This chapter has examined the interaction between twelve socio-demographic and
economic variables and migration levels. In terms of the general outcome, the most salient
element is the high level of migration to Costa Rica of the selected communities. However,
it is also important to highlight the uneven distribution of this out-migration in the three
1
departments, with Le6n having the lowest rate of migration, and Estelf the highest, with
more than 44 percent of the households of the selected communities.
Apart from this general statement, the main outcomes of this chapter can be summarised
in two key conclusions. On the one hand, the fact that the production of migration in the
studied households is a very complex process, which by no means can be understood
through a single factor (such as argued in some demographic or neoclassical approaches)
but it is rather a multi-factorial process. Thus, on the socio-demographic side, the
dependency ratio, the age average of the migrant, and their educational level, were all found
to be significant factors in explaining the production of migration at the household level.
On the economic side, the main economic activities of the finca, particularly livestock and
wage earning jobs, as well as the size and type of ownership of the land, are significant
factors in explaining the decision to migrate or to stay. It is also important to note that
seemingly very important variables, such as annual gross income or net income, were not
found to be significant in determining which households contained migrants.
The other important finding is that analysis at the department level helps to illustrate the
unevenness of this process. Important departmental differences included the general level
of migration (with the massive difference between Le6n (10 percent) and Esteli (44
percent)), but also the gender dimension, with Leon again demonstrating higher female
than male migration in a process normally understood to be macho oriented, as confirmed
by the migration trend in the other two departments. The departmental differences are also
apparent in the composition of the households in which Le6n and Esteli have opposite
-
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Thesis__________________________~-236
results, and so on. Again, what is important to emphasise is that a massive national process
such as rural migration, is, in the Nicaraguan case, not spread in an even manner across the
different regions of the country. To properly understand migration dynamics requires
detailed analysis of these regional differences.
A final reflection is that taking into account the statistical analysis and the qualitative
research, it seems that migration could be conceptualised as part of a vulnerability
reduction strategy of rural households in a context in which the environment (physical and
social) has reduced the opportunities for survival. The change of the style of development
has implied an abandonment of the countryside by tbe Nicaraguan state, as was discussed
in the previous chapter and will be analysed in more depth in the next chapter. Along these
lines, it is not a coincidence that the most significant variables in explaining the difference
between those who migrate and those who chose not to are involvement in livestock
rearing and wage-eaming activities that allow rural families to diversify their strategies for
reproduction and survival.
-~
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------The~s'
________________________________________________________~237
Chapter 10. Main characteristics of Rural Migration Dynamics within
the migratory transnational space from Nicaragua to Costa Rica.
The objective of this chapter is twofold. Firstly, to analyse the main dynamics of rural
migration from Nicaragua
to
Costa Rica within the selected communities during the period
from 1990 to 2003. Secondly, to analyse the connections between those dynamics and the
contemporaneous transformation of the style of development in both countries which has
created a migratory transnational space which includes, productive processes and territorial
bi-national articulations hy means of seasonal transnationallabour dynamics.
To achieve this twofold objective, this chapter is focused on the specific dynamics of rural
migration to Costa Rica from the studied communities, which includes the analysis of the
following variables,
the number of times the migrants have been spent to Costa Rica,
the time length of their seasonal migration,
the conditions and cost of travel,
the process of decision making within the household,
the social networks they have developed in Costa Rica,
the occupation and location of the migrants in Costa Rica,
remittances, including the means of transfer, the amount, the periodicity and how they
are utilized by the households in Nicaragua.
This analysis is for the period 1990-2003. Most of this analysis is developed both for the
overall data and for each department.
10.1 Origin and development ofrural seasonal migration to Costa Rica
One of the first findings about the rural seasonal migration studied in this research is that it
started in the mid-1990s as is shown in Figure 10.1. This moment coincided witll the
deepening of the Neoliberal style of development in Nicaragua and the deepening of the
transnational style of development in Costa Rica, as discussed in Chapter 7. This
transnational migration has shown an cumulative pattern, involving two processes. On the
one hand, the repetitive accumulation throughout time of the labour visits, and, on the
other hand, the growing number of migrants who have become engaged in this dynamic.
This is one of the characteristics of transnational migration which was discussed in the
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~238
theoretical chapter in relation to Portes' definition (Chapter 2). This pattern can be
observed in Figure 10.1 below,
Figure 10.1: Pattern of Rural Seasonal Migration Frequencies from Nicaragua to Costa
Rica, 1990-2003, (households with migration per year)
50
}>
45
I
40
/
7
/
35
30
25
20
15
j
10
5
<\
0
1990
~
~/
"-'~
1991
1992
1993
1994
"V
1995
1996
1997
1998
J
7\
\ /
1
V
/
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
Then, the seasonal migration started in 1993, and started to increase in 1995. The pattern
has not been linear but cyclical or with oscillations of one year with migration decline and
one year with migration growth. The growth of 2002-3 was explained by the participants in
the Community Meeting in Condega (CMC, 19/05/03) as a consequence of the lack of
employment and very low wages in the region, and the existence of higher wages in Costa
Rica. However, they also mentioned the more-long term element of the critical general
situation facing by agricultural producers in Nicaragua, pointing out that after the end of
the Revolution the new governments have had no rural development policy, something
that has been reflected in a lack of credit to finance production, as well as a lack of good
infrastructure and marketing support to sell their production in the national markets with
good prices and without intermediaries. These comments coincide with the structural
analysis of chapter 7 and 8. This situation has generated a feeling of a lack of hope. As one
of the participants expressed it: ' there is nothing more here to look for' ('aqlJiya no hay nada
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~239
mas que buscar), an expression that reflects a lucid and negative reading of the new structural
conditions generated by the Neoliberal style of development in Nicaragua.
It is important to indicate that the significant difference between the year 2003 and the
previous years may have been affected by the fact that many of the questionnaires were not
answered by the migrants but by their relatives that easily remembered the most recent
migration but sometimes had problems remembering older ones. However, in the
Community Meeting organised in Condega, it was also mentioned by some of the
participants that there had been a significant increase in the migration level during the last
few years because of the lack of public support and low prices in maize and beans (20012003) (CMC, 19/05/03).
In terms of the rural migration pattern to Costa Rica, it is important to note that some level
of migration to Costa Rica already existed at the beginning of the decade, probably related
to the political migration of the 1980s as explained in Chapter 6. After that, there was a
significant reduction of seasonal rural migration in the sub-period 1991-1992 and a small
rise in 1993, before decreasing again in 1994. The first year of the decade with an important
increase in seasonal migrarion from these communities was 1995, which is coherent with
the specialised literature on Nicaragua which describes this year as very critical in terms of
the evolution of the economic and social crisis. Morales and Castro point out that this was
the year when general migration levels to Costa Rica started to rise (Morales and Castro,
2002: 76-132). After that year, there was then a small decrease in migration in 1996, an
electoral year, before continued annual growth until the year 2000. Migration levels then
suffered a significant decrease in 2001, an electoral year, before growing again in 2002 and
achieving its highest peak in 2003.
The mention of the electoral dimension is not a coincidence. As one of the migrants
pointed out in an interview (Montalvan, SE!, 07/06/2003), the national government
allocates public resources and budget through their local governments as a part of the
presidential contest, with the purpose of influencing the orientation of the vote. This
allowed some households to obtain extra income and for that reason there is less financial
pressure to migrate. In summary, the cumulative rise of seasonal rural migration is a result
of the coincidence of the change in the style of development in both Nicaragua and Costa
Them__________________________________________________________
~240
Rica, and the political dynamic within Nicaragua that has directly affected access to
resources for the peasantry.
10.2 Frequency ofseasonal Jabour migrant visits to Costa Rica
The analysis in this section is focused on the frequency of the seasonal migrant visits to
Costa Rica from the studied rural communities from Le6n, Chinandega and Esteli.
Frequency here is defined as the number of times the migrants have travelled to the
neighbouring country for labour purposes during the period 1990-2003. This is one of the
key elements that characterises the transnational dimension to this particular migration
dynamic between the two countries. The results of this indicator are shown in Figure 9.2,
Figure 10.2. General Migration dynamics. Frequency of seasonal migration to Costa Rica,
1990-2003.
32
17,7
One
Two
Three
Four
Five or more
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural.Migration database.
Although the largest single group is made up of those migrants that have travelled to Costa
Rica for temporal labour visits only once (32 percent) during the period 1990-2003, there
are other significant groups of migrants that have been there twice (17.7 percent), three
times (19 percent) and four times (15 percent). Furthermore, there are cases of migrants
with five, six and eight migrations to their neighbouring country in the selected period (16.3
percent). This periodicity indicates the existence of a transnational dynamic connecting this
Nicaraguan labour force to the economic activities where they work in Costa Rica, most of
which are export-oriented activities. This could mean that Nicaraguan immigrants are
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~241
integrated into transnational circuits of production and exchange between the two
countries (Robinson, 2001; Morales and Castro, 2002 ; Nowalski, 2002: 147-150).
The frequency of seasonal migration is possible, in part, because of the complementary
timing between the harvest period of agro-export crops in Costa Rica between NovemberDecember and the end of May (such as coffee, oranges, pineapple, sugar cane, bananas,
manioc, and vegetables, amongst others), and the second sowing and harvesting period for
basic grains like beans and maize (siembra de postrera) between June and October in the
migrants' farms in Nicaragua (Monge, SEI: 23/03/03). Figure 10.3 shows the frequency of
migration pattern per year for the studied period, by disaggregating the previous figure. As
it is possible to see, it gives an idea of how the seasonality of this migration is cumulative
throughout time, but again, it is clear that the most important growth in the frequencies
was developed after 1995.
Figure 10.3: General Rural Migration Dynamics. Frequency of the seasonal migration to
Costa Rica, 1990-2003.
18
II
16
~
toCR
~
I
14
12
I
10
A
I
J
1/ 'r'
-,/\\
8
6
1_"". P\\r;/'-?\
~/
,~
0
1990
.
1991
1992
1993
199'
1995
19%
1997
1998
·2
1999
-
=
--<)-On,
-D-Two
-fs-Three
//\ \ j;jJ j--u
A
4
2
Tmvelled
for fIrst time
"""""'*"" Fourth or more
\ ~/
ltJOl
z002
2003
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
An important element to highlight from this figure is the fact that even at the beginning of
the studied period there were some migrants that had visited Costa Rica many times before
1990, meaning that they were engaged in the previous migration dynamic, more oriented by
political than by labour reasons. However, the Figure reinforces the fact that a new
migration dynamic started in the mid-1990s. An important peak occurred in 2000 with
Thesi,>_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _242
many new migrants travelling for the first time to Costa Rica. This was a consequence of
Hurricane Mitch (1998-1999), which had a dramatic and massive social and economic
impact on all three departments, but particularly in Esteli and Chinandega.
The outcome of disaggregating this variable by department highlights important differences
for the studied period. Esteli appears as the department with not only the highest level of
migration, but also with the widest variety in terms of number of times its migrants have
travelled to Costa Rica, with some individuals recording eight journeys during the period
1990-2003. The principal categories are those migrants with one, two or three visits (20.9
percent, 23.1 percent, and 17.6 percent, respectively). In terms of their distribution pattern
throughout time, 11 percent of the migrants first travelled between 1990 and 1995; 39.6
percent first migrated in the period 1996-2000 and a significant 48.4 percent first migrated
in the years 2002-2003, meaning that this short period of two years contained almost 50
percent of the total migration of the studied period for Esteli. In the case of Lean; the issue
that stands out is the fact that the largest single categoty of migrants visits was four (35.5
percent of all migrants from these communities) but, at the same time, there are no
migrants from Lean with two visits to Costa Rica, whilst the same percentage (32.3
percent) have travelled once or three times. In terms of their distribution over time, most
of the migration from these rural communities in Lean started after the year 1995 (90
percent of the total), which coincides with the deepening of the Neoliberal style of
development in Nicaragua. Chinandega appears to have the newest rural migration dynamic
to Costa Rica. Most of their migrants (70.8 percent) have only travelled once to this
country, although 20.8 percent have travelled twice. In relation to the distribution of this
Chinandega migration throughout time, the first element to point out is that it started in
1995, and most of it (87.5 percent) is concentrated in the period 1999-2003.
10.3 Main causes ofrural migration to Costa Rica, an agency perspective.
This section is focused on the 'agency' of the migrants and the members of their
households, meaning by this that analysis is focused on how the migrants as agents 'read'
the structural conditions (in the sense that was explained in Chapter 2) and how they
explain the rationale of their decision to migrate and their driving motivations. Figure 10.4
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------__________________________________________________,243
Thesi~
shows the main answers to the question 'what were the principal causes of your decision to
migrate?'
Figure 10.4: Main causes of Migration (total, percent), period 1990-2003.
Main causes of Migration, 1990-2003 (percent)
31.2
1.2
mc{)me
Permanent]ob Tempo[alJob
Residence
Improvement
Source: Cores
Ramos~
0,1
Studies
Family
Other causes
Change
Alberto. Rutal11igration database.
Although the answers were classified in to seven different categories, the three principal
causes of migration in the studied rural communities were found to be the following,
1. Im[Jroving family income (31.2 percent).
2. Family reunification or to accom[Jany the [Jartner that migrates (30.8 percent).
3.
Finding a temporary or seasonal job (28.6 percent).
These were the three principal causes of migration pointed to by the migrants surveyed,
followed at a distance by responses such as looking for a permanent job (6.9 percent).
These motivations are clearly not mutually exclusive because a migrant could find a
seasonal job that improves their income at the same time as they are accompanying their
respective parroer or relatives.
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,244
An important element that is confirmed by these answers is the fact that their decision to
migrate is principally motivated by economic reasons, as part of their strategy to reduce
their social and economic vulnerability. In fact, there is a high correlation in the pattern of
the three main responses to the question about the factors provoking migration, namely
family, income improvement and temporary job. The growth of migration provoked by the
combination of these three correlated variables originated in 1995, had a small decrease in
1998 and increased again for the period 1999-2000, before a new decrease in 2001 and a
significant increase over the period 2002-2003. The individual results for each department
for this variable are indicated in Figures 10.5, 10.6 and 10.7,
Figure 10.5: Lean. Main causes of migration (percent), 1990-2003.
35,0
30,0
25,0
21,6
20,0
15,0
10,0
5,0
0,0
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Wgration database.
T~s;
_____________________________________________________________245
Figure 10.6: Esteli. Main causes of migration (percent), 1990-2003.
25,0
20,0
1,4
. :.
0,2
0,2
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural :Migration database.
Figure 10.7: Chinandega. Main causes of migration (percent), 1990-2003.
30,9
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
Thesisi_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _.246
The departmental level shows some differences from the general findings. There are similar
causality patterns between Esteli and Chinandega in relation to the main causes that
motivate their migrants to displace to Costa Rica; thus although they do demonstrate some
minor differences (particularly in the order of the causes), they share the same three major
motivations as the overall data, namely, income improvement, temporary job and family
reasons. On the other hand, in the case of Leon, the causality pattern is totally different to
the other two departments. To begin with, the principal cause of their decision to migrate
is to look for a permanent job (35 percent), a factor that was only marginally mentioned in
the other two departments, followed by residence change (21.6 percent) and family reasons
(18,7 percent). Income improvement appears as the fourth cause of migration (13.8
percent) in this department. This difference between Leon and Chinandega and Esteli is
probably related to the gender composition of the migration and the type of labour market
insertion that they have in Costa Rica. As is shown in the next chapter, Leon is the only
department with higher levels of female than male migration. The labour market insertion
of female migrants is totally different to that of male migrants, including the fact that
female migrants frequently look for a more permanent job (domestic work, commerce and
other services). Another important difference is that reunification with partners or relatives
is more significant for women than for men, in part because of the fact that they migrate
for longer periods of time (more than a year) and the change of location is high.
lOA Principal destinations of the rural migration in Costa Rica
This section analyses the main destinations in the Costa Rican provinces of the rural
migrants from the studied communities in Nicaragua. Although Chapter 3 explained the
limitations of the Costa Rican National Census for capturing seasonal migration because of
the short length of time the migrants spend in Costa Rica as well as the highly mobile
nature of their labour dynamic, it does highlight a clearly differentiated pattern of allocation
between those migrants coming to work in the service sector and those coming to work in
agriculture. In the former, the majority went to San Jose, and the latter, to Alajuela,
Guanacaste, Limon and Heredia. Here, the idea is to explore the main trends in
geographical distribution of the rural migration from the studied communities, as is shown
in the following Figure 10.8
The5i5,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _247
Figure 10.8: Principal destination of the rural migrants in Costa Rica (percent),
1990-2003.
25,5
8,8
10,0
5,0
:-: :
O,-~.(
Guanacaste
San Jose
Puntarenas
Alajuela
Heredia
Um6n
Cartago
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
The main pulling Costa Rican province is Guanacaste which is the main destination of 47.4
percent of the migrants; this is followed by the capital, San Jose, which 25.5 percent of the
migrants chose as their main work destination. The other four provinces, namely
Puntarenas, Alajuela, Heredia and Limon are the main destination of 26.7 percent of the
migrants. The following Figures 10.9, 10.10, and 10.11 show the main destination of the
migrants by their department of origin,
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _248
Figure 10.9: Principal destination in Costa Rica of the migrants from Leon (percent).
2,3
San Jose
Puntarenas
Guanacaste
Limon
Alajuela
Source: Cortes Ramc s, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
Most of the migrants from Leon to Costa Rica go to San Jose, this is correlated to the fact
that a majority of these migrants are women and the kind of jobs they are looking for, that
is domestic work or commerce and other services, are easier to obtain in the capital or
other urban areas of the recipient country. In fact, the migration from Leon to the
provinces with significant development of export agriculture, such as Guanacaste, Limon,
and Alajuela is relatively low, in comparison to the general pattern. Heredia and Cartago are
not even mentioned as destinations by this category of migrants.
249
Thesis
Figure 10.10: Principal destinations in Costa Rica of the migrants from Esteli
(percent).
70,0
11,2
Guanacaste
San Jose
Heredia
Alajuela
Punmrenas
Um6n
Cartago
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
The Esteli migrants' destinations in Costa Rica are the other end of the scale in relation to
the pattern followed by the Leon migrants. In fact, 63.2 percent, which represents a
significant majority of these migrants, have selected Guanacaste as their main destination,
followed at a distant second by the 11.2 percent of those who selected San Jose. Heredia,
Alajuela, Puntarenas and Limon together account for 25.2 percent of the migrants, whilst
Cartago has less than 1.0 percent of the total. This geographical distribution of the Esteli
migrants is not a coincidence. It is correlated to the fact that most of these migrants are
looking for seasonal work in export agriculture in Costa Rica, and those are the provinces
where those crops are cultivated.
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _250
Figure 10.11: Principal destinations in Costa Rica of the migrants from Chinandega
(percent).
50,0
15,4
San Jose
Guanacaste
Alajuela
Heredia
Puntarenas
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural :Migration database.
The geographical pattern of allocation of the migrants from Chinandega in Costa Rica is
closer
to
the pattern of the migrants from Leon, in the sense that half of them select San
Jose as their main destination. However, the second most popular destination is
Guanacaste with 26.9 percent of these migrants going to that province, followed by
Alajuela with 15.4 percent and more distantly Heredia with 5.8 percent of the migrants.
Puntarenas received only 1.9 percent of these migrants, whilst Limon and Cartago have no
migrants from the studied communities from Chinandega. These data confirmed how the
migrant insertion is highly defined for export-agriculture activities, as could be derived of
the province selection by the migrants.
An insightful outcome is related to gender. In general terms, these findings show a high
correlation between the gender of the migrants, their economic activities and their
destination. In the case of Esteli, with a majority of male migrants involved in rural
activities, the main destinations are those provinces with significant agri-export activities,
particularly important sugar cane in Guanacaste. The migrants from Leon in contrast, with
more female than male migration and a concentration in service sector employment, tend
to gravitate towards the major urban concentrations, above all the capital, San Jose.
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,251
10.5 Main economic activities of the migrants in Costa Rica
The answer of the migrants to this question confirms that most of them were doing
temporal or seasonal jobs in Costa Rica, as can be observed in the following Figures 10.12,
10.13, 10.14 and 10.15. The first of these figures indicates that a majority of these migrants
have an agricultural orientation to their economic activities in Costa Rica, with 57 percent
dedicated to these kind of activities. The second largest group (15 percent) consists of
individuals that have migrated to accompany a relative or a partner with 15 percent; the
third largest group of migrants is composed of those that w9rk in construction, private
security and other jobs of this sort, with 10 percent, followed by those migrants working in
commerce and professional services (9 percent), and domestic workers (8 percent). In
agriculture, the main activity is to harvest.
Figure 10.12: Main activities of the migrants in Costa Rica (percent).
Commercial and
professional'
9%
Not
employed/Family
companion
15%
Domestic work
8%
1%
Construction,
private security and
other services
10%
Agriculture and
cattle ranching
57%
Source: Cartes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
Figure 10.13 shows the results of this variable for the migrants of Lean in Costa Rica.
Once again Lean demonstrates some particularities related to the economic activities of the
migrants. For example, only 36 percent of migrants from Lean work in agriculture and
The~s,
_____________________________________________________________,252
catde ranching, which is very low in relation to the level of over 50 percent of the general
sample. A significant 24 percent of this group work in construction, private security and
other activities of this type, much higher than the 10 percent of the general sample thar
work in these areas, and more than 30 percent work as domestic workers (20 percent) or in
commerce and other services (13 percent), which are mainly female economic activities. In
the general sample, these two categories together constitute only 17 percent of migrants. In
synthesis, it is very dear that the important female composition in the case of Lean's rural
migration make a difference in relation to the type of economic activity they are involved in
within Costa Rica.
Figure 10.13: Main activities of the migrants from Lean in Costa Rica (percent).
Not employed/Family
companion
6%
Commercial and
profesinal0"S~
13%
Agriculture and cattl
-~
tMCrumg
36%
Domestic work
20%
Construction, private
1%
security and other
services
24~/(I
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberta. Rural Migration database.
Figure 10.14 illustrates the economic activities of migrants from Esteli in Costa Rica, the
data is very different to that of Lean. In this case, almost 70 percent of the migrants work
in agriculture and catde ranching activities, a figure which is almost 13 percent above the
general average. The second most important group is composed of those accompanying
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _---,-_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _253
their relatives (13 percent), followed by those working in construction and private security
(8 percent). Less than 10 percent work in the other categories.
Figure 10.14: Main activities of the migrants from Esteli in Costa Rica (percent).
Conunercial and
professional
4%
Not employed/Fam.ily
companion
13"/0
Domestic
5%
1%
Construction, private
security and other
services
8%
Agriculture and catde
ranching
69%
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
These characteristics of the rural migrants from Esteli are also related to the gender
composition of these migrants. In fact, this is the department with the highest proportion
of male migrants (80 percent), who mainly go to Guanacaste for the sugar cane harvest, a
typical seasonal work.
254
Thesis
Figure 10.15: Main activities of the migrants from Chinandega In Costa Rica
(percent).
Agriculture and cattle
ranching
Not employed/Family
companion
4T'/O
23%
Commercial and
professional jobs
15%
Construction, private
Domestic work
7%
Fishing
1%
security and other
services
7%
Source: Cartes Ramos. Alberto. Rurall\tfigration database.
In terms of the economic activities pattern of the migrants in Costa Rica, Chinandega is
located between Le6n and Esteli. The majority of migrants from Chinandega, namely 47
percent, work in agriculture and cattle ranching activities. The second largest group is those
accompanying family members with 23 percent. In fact, this is the department with the
highest numbers of this type of migrant. Then, there is the group of those migrants
working in commerce or other service jobs with 15 percent. Another 14 percent are
accounted for between those in domestic work (7 percent) and construction, private
security and other sorts of services.
11>"is;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,255
In summary, although there are some differences in the economic insertion pattern in
Costa Rica according to the department of origin of the migrants, the migrants from each
department also display some similar trends; first, the importance of agriculture which is
the most important category in all departments; second, a consistent pattern of
concentration in the less qualified jobs in Costa Rica, even in those cases related to services.
10.5 Time length ofstay of the migrants in Costa Rica
A very important variable for explaining the rural migration dynamic from the studied rural
communities to Costa Rica is the length of time that the migrants stay in Costa Rica. This
variable is highly correlated to some of the variables already analysed, such as gender, age,
destination and type of economic activity of the migrants in Costa Rica. Figure 9.16
illustrates the length of stay of the migrants in Costa Rica for the sample as a whole and by
department. In general terms, a significant majority of the migrants (67.1 percent) go to
work in Costa Rica for a period of between one and six months. Generally this reflects the
period that the migrants have available before they need to go back to Nicaragua to work
their farms in what they call the 'cosecha de postrera' (second or late harvest).
As was explained by some of the migrants from Esteli who were interviewed by the
researcher, many migrants go to Costa Rica in November or December and pick coffee
until January (Heredia and San Jose), then they move to the sugar cane harvest (mainly in
Guanacaste and Alajuela) until April of May for a total stay of four to six months. After
this, a significant group of the migrants return to Nicaragua to work on their farms (SE!).
In terms of the average number of months stayed in Costa Rica, the mean is 3.5 months.
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _256
Figure 10.16: Length of stay of the migrants in Costa Rica in general and by
department (percent).
.
"1'.'. -'I'/o
h'.7,S,N
I": "
I I~'
SQ%
IJ More than three
years
60%
Ul One to three years
C1 Six months to one
year
40%
72,8
63,6
67,1
Cl One to six months
47,2
20%
O%+-__L-__~
Le6n
__~
__L __ __L__,_-L~
Estclf
Chinandega
General
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
The second most important group of migrants, comprising 17.6 percent of the total, stay in
Costa Rica for a length of six months to one year. As was pointed out in some of the semistructured interviews (SE!), those who stay for more than six months are mostly the ones
who need to save money for more than simply working their farm, but also to buy land or
get married. In general terms, at least in the case of Esteli, these migrants tend to be
amongst the youngest people of the community. In terms of their dynamics in Costa Rica,
they frequently carry out the same activities as the previous group, but after finishing with
the sugar cane harvest, they move to work in orange and pineapple plantations (northern
regions of Heredia and Alajuela), before finishing their crop-picking circuit in the bananas
plantations of the Caribbean side of Costa Rica around November or December of that
year. The mean length of stay in Costa Rica for the migrants in this category is 9.2 months.
The third category is comprises the 7.8 percent of the migrants who work in Costa Rica for
a period of one to three years, with a mean stay of 24 months or two years. In the case of
men, these migrants tend to be concentrated in activities such as construction or private
security; whilst women, tend to work in commerce, services or as domestic workers. In
The@s;__________________________________________________________~257
fact, these are generally urban rather than rural jobs, and they require a more permanent
presence of the migrants throughout the year. This is why the migrants tend to stay more
than twelve months (or even three and four years) in Costa Rica, frequendy without visiting
their families in Nicaragua. In these cases, the migrants tend to visit their families and
communities at Christmas or Easter as was pointed out in the interviews to the migrants.
The final group of migrants stay in Costa Rica for three years or more, with an average stay
of 10.6 years. Some of them evenmally remain constandy in Costa Rica.
This discussion of the time that the migrants spend in Costa Rica makes it possible to
highlight a very important human dimension of these processes. This is the very high price
that migrants and their families have to pay in emotional terms, because, to be successful as
an income diversification strategy, migration requires family separation, sometimes for a
long period of time. This simation is perhaps most critical in those cases where the migrant
is a woman and a mother, and the children have to stay in the country of origin (Barahona
and Torres, 2003). This element was mentioned in the with the wives of the migrants
(FGS,25/04/03).
Returning to Figure 10.16, one final element worthy of comment relates to the differences
between the departments in terms of the length of time that the migrants spend in Costa
Rica. The migrants from Lean tend to stay for more time in Costa Rica than those from
the other two departments, with almost 40 percent staying for one year or more. Lean also
has the lower percent of migrants staying for less than six months (47 percent). In contrast,
Esteli has the highest rate of migrants staying for only a short (or seasonal) period (with
almost 73 percent staying for one to six months) and the lowest rate of migrants staying for
more than one year (11.4 percent). Chinandega is the department which approximates most
closely to the general pattern, with 63.6 percent of migrants staying for a short seasonal
period Qess than six months), and the highest proportion of migrants that work in Costa
Rica for a period of between six months and one year (26.3 percent). Chinandega also has
only a small percent of migrants (10.1 percent) that stay in Costa Rica for more permanent
jobs (that is for more than a year). In synthesis, the differences between the departments
are also confirmed in the findings for this variable.
11>e5i5;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _258
10.6 Travelling conditions and the level of documentation ofthe migrants
This section has a twofold purpose, firstly, it seeks to determine the level of documentation
of the migrants, whether the migrants are travelling with a passport or any other legal
document etc. Secondly, in the case of those migrants that are documented, it analyses
what kind of formal permission they have to work in Costa Rica and what percentage of
the migrants have this permission. This is an important element to explore in
understanding the migrants' insertion in the recipient country, because it contributes to
defining their situation in relation to employers (their bargaining power) as well as their
position in relation to the Costa Rican immigration authorities. Figure 10.17 illustrates the
major findings of the research in relation to the travel conditions of the migrants.
Figure 10.17: Travelling conditions. Documented and Non Documented Migration
(percent).
Not
Documented
44%
Documented
56%
Source: Ccrtes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
Figure 10.17 presents the answers of the migrants to the question of whether they travel to
Costa Rica with any sort of formal documentation, it shows that 56 percent say that they
travel with documents, whilst 44 percent answer that they travel without any kind of
document. This is clearly a very high level of undocumented travel. At the departmental
level, Esteli has the highest level of undocumented migrants, with 80 percent of the total of
undocumented migrants from all three departments, representing 60 percent of all migrants
from Esteli. Undocumented migrants from Le6n on the other hand represent less than 20
percent of all undocumented migrants travelling to Costa Rica; whilst undocumented
Thesjs;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~259
migrant& from Chinandega repre&ent 14 percent of the total and 23.3 percent of total
Chinandegan migrant&. But to have a pa&&port or other official document could be
misleading the perception about the level of formality of rural migration to Co&ta Rica.
The image portrayed by this indicator mu&t be combined with a more important indicator
in term& of formal or regular migration, namely if they have work permission or visa. In
fact, their formal &ituation in Costa Rica (in terms of their right to work in Costa Rica) will
depend upon their po&&ession of a residential or explicit work visa is&ued by the Costa
Rican government. To have a more accurate idea of the real situation of these rural
migrants, therefore, the questionnaire asked for details about the type of document or
permit possessed by each migrant. Figure 10.18 illustrates the responses to thi& question,
Figure 10.18: Regular Migrants. Type of permis&ion or documentation.
Residence
permis&ion; 1,5
Other; 3,0
Safe COlldmot:
20,9
Touri&t Visa; 74,6
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,260
Figure 10.18 demonstrates that 74.6 percent of the documented migrants only travel with a
tourist visa that lasts for three months and which cannot be used for working purposes.
The second largest group, with 20.9 percent of the total, travels with a safe conduct
document (salvoconducto), which is a document which grants temporary permission to
travel and, as with the tourist visa, does not permit the traveller to work in the country.
Only 1.5 percent of the migrants have permission for legal residence in Costa Rica.
The main conclusion about the travelling condition of the migrants is therefore that a very
significant majority does not have legal documentation which allows them to work in Costa
Rica which, as mentioned before, increases the vulnerability of this population and creates
favourable conditions for their overexploitation in Costa Rica, as well as for abuses of their
human rights not only by those who contract them, but also by the Costa Rican
immigration authorities. From a more structural perspective and looking to the political
economy this situation creates, this is a characteristic of seasonal rural migration from
Nicaragua that has allowed Costa Rican export and agricultural producers, many of them
transnational enterprises, to maintain high profits accentuating their competitiveness in
relation to the other Central American economies, a spurious competitiveness (Morales and
Castro,2002).
10.7 Household decision making about migration to Costa Rica
The main intention of this section is to analyse how the household unit makes decisions in
relation to migration. The most important question to answer here is what is the role of the
family in the decision making about the migration of one or more of the members of their
household to Costa Rica? In this case, only a little over half of the households with
migration responded to the questions (70 cases), hence, the analysis is only general and not
divided by department. Understanding the level of involvement of the family in the
decision to migrate, in association with other variables like the sending and use of
remittances, allows us to understand migration as part of a household reproduction strategy
and not only as an individual 'escape' or strategy. Figure 9.19 demonstrates the level of
support of household members to the decision to migrate,
Thesj~
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,261
Figure 10.19: Household support to the migration decision (percent).
Relatively supported
17%
Not supported
4%
Totally supported
79%
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rurallvligracion database.
A significant majority (almost 80 percent) of the interviewed households suggested that
they totally supported the decision to migrate of members of their household, followed by
17 percent of the households that indicated relative support, indicating that they were not
totally convinced about the decision of some of their members to migrate. Only in 4
percent of cases did the households indicate a rejection or lack of support to the decision
to migrate.
The other important dimension of decision making about migration in the household, is
the level of involvement or participation of all the members of the household in the
decision to migrate. The results are shown in Figure 10.20,
--
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Thesis________________________________________________.262
Figure 10.20: Level of participation of the Household in the decision to migrate to
Costa Rica (percent).
No participation
·28%
Low
13%
High
participation
59%
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural.Migration database.
The answers to the question about the level of participation of the household's members
confirms that in almost 60 percent of cases, there is a high level of participation in the
decision making process. In another 13 percent of cases there is a low level of participation,
whilst there is a significant 28 percent that indicated no participation of household
members in decision making about migration.
Taking into account the semi-structured interviews and some of the discussions in the s
(pG), the lack of participation of the household members could be explained by rwo main
reasons. In some cases it will relate to the fact that, the decision is taken by the head of the
household, particularly if the person in this position is a male. In these cases, the fact that
the decision is taken by the head of the family does not mean that it does not have the
support of the rest of the family. In other cases, the decision to migrate is taken by young
members of the household, particularly male teenagers, against the will of their parents. In
these cases, they frequently do not allow their parents any participation in the decision to
migrate and, furthermore, they travel to Costa Rica even against their parent's will. This
suggests the importance of teenage rebellion and the exertion of freedom and
independence from their parents' control in the decision-making processes in these
particular cases. Despite pointing out these exceptions, it is possible
to
conclude that in
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~263
general terms the rural migration from the selected communities should be considered
more as a collective decision of the household as part of a survival strategy than an
individual decision of particular members of that household.
10.8 Social networks of the migrants in Costa Rica
This section analyses the existence of relatives, friends or known people in Costa Rica that
the migrants contact before they go and also explores the kind of support they receive
from these social networks. This is a very important indicator of the transnational character
of the migration dynamic. In general terms, of the 140 households with migration to Costa
Rica, 112 households indicated that they do have someone known in Costa Rica, which
means 80 percent of this group has a contact in the country of destination, a significant
percent. Figure 9.21 indicates the composition of the contacts the migrants have in Costa
Rica in terms of relatives, known people (friends, neighbours of the communities,
referenced people), or both categories of contacts.
Figure 10.21: Composition of the migrants' contacts in Costa Rica (percent).
Both
14%
Known people
Relatives
30%
56%
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
A significant part of the contacts in Costa Rica, namely 56 percent, are composed of the
migrant's relatives, showing again the importance of the family in the different moments of
the migration process, and in the case of the household with migration, how the members
of the family are very involved in the different moments of the transnational dynamic.
However, 30 percent of the migrants indicate that their contacts in Costa Rica are other
The~s,
_____________________________________________________________,264
known people, whilst 14 percent have connections with both relatives and other known
people, pointing to the fact that these transnational social networks are built upon solidarity
bonds beyond those of familiar kinship, in the same sense as was indicated by Faist and
Ozveren (2004: 96-121). Another important question is whether the migrants actually make
use of these connections. The answer is shown in Figure 10.22,
Figure 10.22: Contacts of the migrants with relatives and known people in Costa Rica
before their departure (percent).
~
100
80
60
40
20
Ri ~
~
/'
/'
'
~
.
10,0
I,
V
•
A
:;:;::
V
'HH
o
Yes
'/1
y
//'
No
Source: Cartes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
A very high percent (81.3 percent) of the migrants with contacts in Costa Rica make use of
these contacts, indicating among other things, that this migration is not a 'blind' process
where the migrants travel without any knowledge of the place they are going to. It also
confirms that it is not an isolated process, but, on the contrary, is a socially or collectively
constructed process in both the expelling and the recipient country where migrants belong
to social networks that help them to survive and to reduce their own vulnerability.
However, it is also important to explore the purpose of making contact before travelling
and to see whether this contact is followed by the demonstration of some form of support
or solidarity to the migrants. With this aim in mind, the survey asked the migrants if they
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _265
received some kind of support from their contacts in the neighbour country. The responses
to this question are shown in Figure 10.23,
Figure 10.23: Support to the migrants from the relatives and known people
in Costa Rica (percent).
No
Yes
Source: Coites Ramos, Alberto. Rural :Migration database.
A strong majority of the migrants, 83 percent, who made use of their contacts in Costa
Rica received some kind of support from them when they arrived in the recipient country.
The next Figure 10.24 describes the type of support the migrants received in Costa Rica,
Figure 10.24: Type of support the migrants received from their contacts in
Costa Rica (percent).
Information,
advice,
orientation,
contacts; 11,7
Money, feeding
and shelter; 7,4
Work, Shelter and
feeding; 25,5
Source: Cortes Ramos. Alberto. Rural Mlgration database.
Shelter and
Feeding; 55,3
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _266
The outcomes of this variable are grouped into four large categories which combine
different type of support that contacts (be they family, friends or other known people) in
Costa Rica gave to the migrants. The biggest group of migrants received shelter and food
(55.3 percent), the next group (25.5 percent) received not only shelter and food, but also
contacts for work or even a job. The third group was composed of those migrants that
received information from the nerwork about contacts, guidance and travel orientation
making the journey easier. The final category is the group of migrants that received, apart
from shelter and feeding, some sort of financial support (7,4 percent). In summary, the
data output confirms the existence of transnational social nerworks that are used by the
migrants to travel and survive. As it was explained in the interviews to the migrants, in
general terms, the nerworks contribute to reduce their level of vulnerability in Costa Rica.
10.9 Periodicity, amount, mode ofsending and use ofremittances
Remittances are the last variable analysed in this chapter and they are a very important
component for understanding the transnational rural migration jigsaw. This section will
explore five main dimensions of remittances. First, the periodicity of transfer; second, the
amount the migrants send; third, the mode of sending; fourth, their weight in relation to
net income and gross income of the household, fifth and last, their use by the migrant's
household back in Nicaragua. It is important to remark that this is one of the topics that
has generated significant attention in the ongoing debate about migration, not only in the
academic world, but also at the policy level, in national and international arenas. For
example, many policy papers of the international financial institutions have argued for a
more 'productive' use of the migrants' remittances, as well as highlighting the importance
of these financial flows to the economic macro-equilibrium of remittance-recipient
countries such as Nicaragua, as it was pointed out in chapter 7 (Orozco, 2003).
Most of the current literature about remittances is focused upon transfers from urban
migration, in part because it is easier to monitor through banks and remittance agencies.
However, these studies are not able to assess the remittances that travel by informal means,
such as relatives, friends, and known people. These are the main means of transfer of rural
migrants, which could help to explain why there are not many studies about remittances in
the case of rural populations. Thus, it is hoped that this study, whilst exploratory in nature,
could help to establish some basic information about remittance dynamics in the case of
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~267
Nicaraguan rural migration to Costa Rica. The analysis
IS
developed at general and
departmental levels.
Figure 10.25: Existence of remittances in households with migration
(percent).
Houoeholdt with mig,ation
without ",m.It ... nce.~
20,8
Househo!ds with migration with
",mit..,,,coo; 19,2
Source: Cartes
Ramos~
Alberta. Rural :Migration database.
For this particular topic, there were 20 migrant households (14.3 percent of these
households) where the interviewee could not answer the question about remittances. Thus,
there were 120 households with migration to Costa Rica that answered the questions about
remittances. Of these, 96 households confirmed that their family members in Costa Rica
send or come back with remittances, meaning 79.2 percent, and only 20.8 percent do not
receive remittances. Putting this data in a wider context, this means that 68.6 percent of
households with migration to Costa Rica, and 16.7 percent of the total sample, almost two
out of every ten households, receive remittances. 1bis means that a significant number of
rural households in the studied communities use transnational migration as a source of
income diversification.
Thesis._ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _268
A second point to analyse is the periodicity of the transfer of remittances. Figure 10.26
presents the data attained on this,
Figure 9.26: Periodicity of remittance transfer (percent).
70
60,4
60
50
40
30
19,8
12,5
20
Monthly
Every two
months
Three or four
times per year
Every six
months
One time a year
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
In general terms, the largest group of households receive remittances monthly. Another
19.8 percent of households receive remittances every two months and 12.5 percent receive
them every three or four months. This leaves 2.1 percent of households who receive
remittances every six months and 5.2 percent who receive them just once a year. In relation
to the amount of the remittances they send, the main findings are presented in Figure
10.27, this time for both the overall data and by department,
269
Thesis
Figure 10.27: Amount of remittances transferred by the migrants (amount in month
average, percent).
80%
60%
40%
76,0
63,0
68,5
53,3
20%
Le6n
Esteli
Chinandega
'rotal
IfJ Less than US$ 50 monthly 13 Between US$ 50 and US$100 monthly I<l More than US $100 monthly I
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Nrigration database.
In general terms, a significant majority of these households, 68.5 percent, receIVe an
average of US$ 50 or less per month, followed by the 25 percent of households that receive
an average of between US$51 and US$100 per month. The final 6.5 percent of households
receive more than US$100 per month. There are, however, some important differences
amongst the departments in terms of the amount of the remittances. 76 percent of
households in Esteli receive US$50 or less per month, whilst only 53.3 percent of
households in Lean are in this category. Conversely Lean is the department with the
highest percentage of households receiving between US$50 and US$100 (33.3 percent) or
more than US$100 per month (13.3 percent). Chinandega falls between these two
extremes, with 63 percent of remittance-recipient households receiving US$50 or less per
month, 25 percent receiving between US$51 and US$l00 and 11.1 percent of their
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _270
households receiving more than US$ 100. The overall monthly average of the remittances
is US$55.5.
This data can give an idea of the income that the migrants generate by using migration as a
strategy of income diversification taking into account that most of them stay in Costa Rica
for a period that lasts from one to six months (67.1 percent of the total migrants). If we
take the average stay of 3.5 months, this means that at the end of the seasonal period these
migrants would have transfered a figure close to US$l92.5. In the case of those migrants
that stay between six months and a year, their average is 9.2 months, which means that
these migrants would generate an average income of US$51 0.6.
These results can be related to the type of economic insertion of the migrants from each
department. As was highlighted in the findings of the previous chapter, most of the
migrants from Esteli work in non qualified agricultural jobs in Costa Rica that are very low
paid, whilst Le6n's migrants work in services such as domestic work, commerce,
construction, and private security. These jobs are better paid than those in agriculture. In
fact, to give an idea of the difference, the minimum wage for the agricultural sector in
Costa Rica was US$ 160.0 whilst in Nicaragua it was US$ 40.0 in 2001. This gap has not
disappeared (Nowalski, 2002: 147; CEPAL, 2003: 67).
Chinandega, again, appears between the two extremes of the other departments with their
migrants having a better economic insertion in Costa Rica than those of Esteli, but worse
than the migrants from Leon. Another important point to highlight is the gender
component of the migration in explaining the income difference, Leon is the department
with the highest proportion of female migrants who tend to find jobs that are better paid
than those of male migrants.
Another important dimension of remittance dynamics is the main means or mechanisms of
transferring money used by the migrants. Figure 10.28 shows the main findings about this
dimension,
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,271
Figure 10.28: Main means of sending remittances from Costa Rica to Nicaragua
(percent).
Remittance
Agency; 24,5
Other mean; 0,9
Bring it personally;
12,3
Relatives; 10,4
Friends; 46,2
Known people; 5,7
Source: Cortes Rarnos, Alberto. Rural :Migration database.
It is interesting that largest group of migrants, 46.2 percent, use their friends as the main
mechanism to send remittances to their households back in Nicaragua, followed by 24.5
percent who use remittance agencies. 12,3 percent prefer to bring the money back to
Nicaragua personally, lOA percent use their relatives, and 5.7 percent send the remittances
through other known people. This particular aspect of the migration dynamic makes the
functional importance of the transnational social networks very dear, because 60,2
percent" of the universe of migrants that send remittances make use of them.
The last dimension to analyse in this section is the use of the remittances by the household.
This question allowed more than one answer from the interviewee, thus the findings give
75
This is the result of the addition of migrants using relatives, known people and friends.
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _272
an idea of the multi-dimensional purposes of remittances, challenging the academic'
conventional academic wisdom about this issue, which tends to suggest that the use of
remittances is limited to basic consumption. The main uses are illustrated in Figure 10.29.
Figure 10.29: Households' main uses of remittances (percent).
Food
Debts
Medicines
School and
education
Farmprod\lction
House
livestock
Other purposes
improvements
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural :Migration database.
Almost every single household (99.1 percent) use remittances to buy food, making it clear
that this income is vital for the every-day survival of the household members. However, it
is not the only use of remittances. Another major use is for debt payments (55.8 percent).
This is a point that should be studied in future research that is the relation between
migration and the debt level of the rural households. Part of the debt was use for
production as was mentioned by the migrants in the semi-sttucture interviews.
These two most important ways in which remittances are used are followed by other uses
such as: the buying of medicines (50.4 percent), paying for school or other educational
costs of household members (22.3 percent) or home improvements (15.0 percent). In
relation to what some scholars call the 'productive' use of remittances, the findings indicate
that an important number of the households utilize part of the remittances for 'investment
and farm production' (19.5 percent). Along the same lines, some of the households spend
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~273
part of them on buying livestock (7.1 percent). Another 13.3 percent of the households
also use part of the remittances for other purposes. A majority of these households are
from Esteli and the qualitative research done in the rural communities of this department
suggests that in this context other purposes could mean buying land or saving up to get
martied, mainly in the case of the young male migrants. More information about remittance
use at the department level is shown in Figure 10.30,
Figure 10.30: Household uses of remittances by department (percent).
100,0
'" " '"".
~
::
90,0
80,0
70,0
60.0
5
50,0
40,0
...
;,;,
62,1
-56;:.,
F
CLeon
42,1
»,.
,- :
30,0
1-::
20,0
1---:"
f--
:::
1-,,:
f,.,
Food
Debts
Medicines
!L~
21,9
'.'
'.'
10,0
0.0
D Esteli
31,0
Schooland
education
I~m
21,5
10,'
~JT
I-
I-
~
~H
Farm
House
production
improvements
:.:,1
21,1
10,3_
,.~
livestock
"
.
Ion
f--
~o.
Other
purposes
Source: Cortes Ramos, Alberto. Rural Migration database.
When the data is split by department it demonstrates the major trends of the overall data,
but also higblights some differences amongst the departments. For example, Lean has 6
percent of its households that do not make use of remittances for buying food. This might
be associated with the fact that this department has the highest gross and net income of the
three departments. In the case of both Esteli and Chinandega, every single household uses
part of the remittances for buying food. Lean also has the lowest percentage (42.1 percent)
and Chinandega the highest (62.1 percent) percentage of households using the remittances
to pay debts (42,1 percent). Esteli meanwhile has the highest percentage of households
using their remittances for basic needs such as buying medicines and paying for school or
other educational costs (58.5 percent), Lean has a similar figure bf 52.6 percent whilst
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _.274
Chinandega has the lowest percentage of remittance usage for buying medicines (31
percent). In relation to remittance expenditure on education and schooling, Leon has the
highest rate (36.8 percent), followed by Esteli (21.9 percent) whilst only 13,8 percent of
Chinandegan households use part of their remittances to pay for education services. It is
interesting to highlight the difference between Leon and the rest in terms of the use of
remittances. As was pointed out in the previous chapter, is the departtnent with the lowest
level of poverty, which is reflected in the fact that is the only one in which not all
households use the remittance to buy food. Apart from that, is the one with the lowest use
of remittances to pay debts and, as is analysed below, a significant number of the
households use the remittances to buy cattle or other livestock.
In relation to the 'productive' use of remittances, Esteli has the highest rate of remittance
use for farm production (24.6 percent), followed by Leon (21 percent). In Chinandega,
however, only 6.9 percent of households use remittances for this purpose, a very low
percentage. This might be correlated to the fact that many of Chinandegan households use
remittances to paying debts and for that reason have a lower space of manoeuvre for using
remittances for production, as pointed out before. The other 'productive' use of
remittances mentioned by the respondents was buying livestock. The departtnent with the
highest number of households using remittances in this way is Leon (21.1 percent),
followed by Chinandega (10.3 percent); whilst there are practically no investtnents in
livestock in Esteli where only 1.5 percent of households use part of their remittances for
this purpose. These departtnental differences might be associated with the fact that Leon is
a departtnent with a historical tradition of milk and milk-derived production (which
Chinandega shares to a lesser extent). In the case of Esteli, however, there is no milk
production tradition.
Esteli is the only departtnent where the recipient households mention the use of
remittances for other purposes (231 percent). As was pointed out in the analysis of the
overall data, the qualitative research undertaken in this department suggests that the
migrants are using part of their remittances to buy land or to save some capital for
marriage. A final, but no less important, element is the use of remittances for household
improvements. Again for this variable, Esteli is the department with the highest usage of
remittances for this purpose (21.5 percent), followed by Leon with 10.5 percent, whilst in
Thesi~
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _.275
the case of Chinandega only a very small number of households use part of their
remittances for these kind of improvements (3.4 percent).
Conclusions
This chapter has analysed the different dimensions of rural migration to Costa Rica from
Esteli, Chinandega and Lean. This analysis included discussion of the following variables:
the number of times the migrants have travelled to Costa Rica, the length of their visits, the
conditions and cost of travel, the process of decision making within the household, the
social networks they make use of in Costa Rica, the occupation and location of the
migrants in Costa Rica and finally remittances (including the means of transfer, the amount,
the periodicity and the use made of them by the households in Nicaragua). The findings
from the analysis of these elements confirms the existence of a very dense and complex
ttansnational migratory space that is intertwined by the rural migrants and their households
in Nicaragua and the economic activities that they develop in Costa Rica.
This transnational articulation is reflected in different dimensions, in the Nicaraguan side
the use of the remittances is allowing many rural household not only to survive buying
food, or improving their life quality by buying medicines, paying the school of their
children or improving their houses, but also contributing to their economic reproduction in
terms of debt payment or productive investments such as financing the postrera sowing and
harvest, and also to buy cattle or other livestocks. In the Costa Rican side, this chapter
confirms the fact that the insertion of the seasonal migrants is productive. Most of them
are working in agriculture and cattle ranching, but not exclusively. A significant part of the
migrants work in services or industry activities, which confirms the definition of Costa Rica
not as passive receiving country, but as a pulling node. The existence of a dense social
network that contribute to orient the migrants but also helps to guarantee the reproduction
of this kind of migration. To put it in a question, what would happened to the Costa Rican
economy without this significant flow of seasonal immigrants?
This rural seasonal migration started in the mid-1990s coinciding with the change in the
style of development from Revolutionary to Neoliberal in Nicaragua and the deepening of
the transnational style of development in Costa Rica. This transnational migration has
showed an cumulative pattern and has become fundamental for the survival of a significant
group of the rural households in the studied departments in Nicaragua that have
incorporated migration as part of their income diversification and survival strategies.
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,276
However, it is important to mention that this is a two-sided dynamic, in the sense that
whilst it is true that many peasants need to migrate to survive, is also true that many Costa
Rican economic activities would face severe problems without this kind of migration.
A final element to remark is the importance of the geographical dimension in the
configuration of the processes. As was explained in the previous chapter, not all the rural is
the same in Nicaragua, there exist different types of rurality. These differences are also
present in the migratory dynamics as was shown in many of the variables that were
discussed in this chapter.
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _277
11. Conclusions
Based on the initial questions of this research, this chapter synthesise three main group of
conclusions of the thesis: first, main achievements and results; second, main theoretical
contributions, and third, possible directions of future research.
11.1 Achievement ofresearch aims
The main achievement of research aims are related to the research questions defined in the
Introduction of the thesis. As was discussed in that chapter, there were two global aims of
the research: on the one hand, to characterise the main migration dynamics and migration
periods between Nicaragua and Costa Rica in a Central American context and, on the other
hand, how these migrations dynamics were produced. To respond to these question, the
analysis of the development process and different interacting factors were analysed,
including the geopolitical, economic, political and social factors. In fact, the research
stresses that the Nicaraguan-Costa Rican migration dynamic should not be seen as as
isolated bilateral relationship but as part of a wider dynamic that involves the whole Central
American region and that, in general terms, migration should be seen not as an isolated
pattern but as a wider process of social transformation.
In relation to the historical production of migratory transnational spaces between
Nicaragua to Costa Rica, there are some significant findings that are important to reflect
upon at the end of this research process. A first conclusion is related to the concept of
transnationality and its linkage to development and the production of migration dynamics
in Central America and particularly between Nicaraguan and Costa Rica. Thus, it is
important to emphasize how a regional transnational space that embraced migration started
at the end of the 19'h and the beginning of the 20,h century with the creation of the
Caribbean basin as a sort of transnational backyard of the emergent hegemonic power, that
is the United States.
As was pointed out in chapter four, this transnational regional space emerged as the result
of the interaction of geopolitical and economic variables, including the development of
enclave economies that were present mainly in the Caribbean region and also in activities
such as banana plantations and mining industry. This social space was characterised by its
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _.278
asymmetric relationship between the United States as dominant power and the rest of the
Central American countries. This relation was reflected in the orientation of the mode of
development that was followed in practically all of the countries of the Caribbean basin and
was also reflected in the growing presence of transnational activities promoted by US
investors and economic agents. It was not a coincidence, therefore, that as was pointed out
in Chapter 4, transnational economic development created an international labour dynamic
that included immigration from abroad into the region, mainly from Asia (China and
India) to Costa Rica and Panama; from the Antilles (mainly Jamaica and Barbados) to
British Honduras (later Belize), Costa Rica and Panama, and within the region, important
labour movements from El Salvador to Honduras and from Nicaragua to Costa Rica (104105). In this particular case, a key role in the organisation of the immigration was played by
the banana companies, reinforcing the condition of transnational activity of these migration
at the end of the 19" and beginning of the 20'" centuries.
It is important to notice that the expelling of Nicaraguan population to Costa Rica at that
time was related to the process of land privatisation (accumulation by dispossession) that
was developed in most of the Central American countties at that time, including Nicaragua.
In contrast, the only country in which this process was not deep enough for several factors
such as relative lack of indigenous and white population was Costa Rica. In fact, the only
way to develop the enclave economy was importing labour force and that was what the
companies did. It is not a coincidence that in the Costa Rican Census of 1927 the two main
groups of foreign population were Jamaicans, 3.7% of the total, and Nicaraguans, 2.3% of
the total (102-105). It is important
to
highlight that the migration dynamics that started at
this period, with up and downs related to world economy, lasted until 1950s, when a new
mode of development was followed by the countries of the region.
In structural terms, this reflects what could be seen as the beginning of social production of
a relative population surplus in Nicaragua and a relative labour scarcity in Costa Rica, a
long term characteristic of the transnational relationship between the two countries. As
was pointed out in chapter 3, this concept of relative population surplus or scarciry has
nothing to do with the existence of more or less people in the two countries, but relates
to
the interaction between population and mode of production. Along these lines, Costa Rica
has had, for long periods of its history, a form of economic development that could not be
sustained exclusively by national workers.
279
Thesis
The next period (1950-1975) was related to
the Cold War era and the mode of
development named 'deve1opmentalist' (desarrollista). This was a period of growing
authoritarian governments and increasing repression to population (109-112). It was also a
period of deep social and economic structural transformation and regional integration.
However, as was pointed out in Chapter 6, this was an impoverishing and polarising
modemisation, particularly clear at the beginning of the period in the rural world of the
whole region, where the process of agriculture modernisation was accompanied by a
violent process of land tenure concentration (accumulation by dispossession again) and
human displacements within the countries. Although in most of this period migration
dynamics were internal, mainly rural to urban migration (121-122), there were some
significant intra-regional trends, parricularly from El Salvador to Honduras, that created a
political tension that ended up in the 'football' war (1968-69).
After the mid-seventies, particularly between 1975-1980, repression growth and exile
became an important factor of out-migration, mainly from Guatemala and El Salvador to
Mexico, from the regio;' to the United States, and from Nicaragua to Costa Rica. In fact,
this short period illustrates well the impacts of geopolitical and political factors on
migration dynamics between Nicaragua and Costa Rica when repression forced thousands
of Nicaraguans to move to Costa Rica mainly as political immigrants and refugees. There is
no much data in this period because there was a political, economic and military crisis
ongoing in the region in the 1970s, but an indicator of the high human mobility from
Nicaragua to Costa Rica could be observed in the Costa Rican Censuses of 1973 and 1984.
In the fortner the Nicaraguan immigrants in Costa Rica represented 1.2% of the total
population while in the latter they reached 3.7% of total population (128-129).
Later, in the 1980, a new wave of politically morivated out-migration was created as
(together with the impacts of important internal political mistakes) the Sandinista
revolutionary government struggled against military aggression from a counter-revolution
that was financed by the US government. As was pointed out in Chapter 6, Costa Rica
became the main provider of political asylum for anti-dictatorial politicians and also
provided shelter for thousands of Nicaraguan who were literally escaping from military
conflict, civil war and social crisis. In more general tertns, the pronounced regional crisis
which beset the whole of Central America at that time produced such levels of migration
_I
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _280
within and outside the region that some of the current migration dynamics and networks of
the region are related to the political clisplacements of that time (143-147).
The migration trend and dynamics of the period, that included Central America migration
to
the United States, and a significant mobility within the region was very massive in that
period. There were more than one million people displaced within the countries and
another million migrated within the region and to Mexico y Belize. There was also a
massive displacement from Central American people to the United States taking advantage
of the ideological context. Nicaragua became, together with El Salvador, one of the
countries that expelled more population in that period and Costa Rica was the principal
recipient country of Nicaraguan immigrants. It is possible to inferred that this period
created social networks, linkages and experiences that were a base for the new migration
dynamics of the 1990s, particularly for the case of Nicaraguan migration to Costa Rica, as
was pointed out in Chapter 7.
Particular attention deserves the findings of current migration. In the late eighries and early
nineties, the political situation changed in a radical mode in the region, largely as a result of
rapid changes in the international arena, including geopolitics (end of the Reagan period as
well as the end of the Cold War. In Central America, the electoral defeat of the FSLN in
Nicaragua) and economic transformations (the deepening of the Washington Consensus
policy).
In the intra-regional political level, the agreements reached between governments and
insurgent groups led to the deactivation of military conflicts in Nicaragua (1989), El
Salvador (1992) and Guatemala (1996). Peace created great expectations. Thus, in the early
years of the nineties there was a significant return of those who emigrated, mainly
Nicaraguans in Honduras, Costa Rica and the United States. To a lesser extent, Salvadorans
and Guatemalans in Mexico.
However, Peace expectations were not met. In the economic dimension, since the middle
of the eighties and in greater depth, in the nineties, the Central American countries, under
the guidance of international financial institutions (OFIS), followed Structural Adjusrment
policies and the main outcome of this development strategy was economic growth without
enough employment generation to absorb the annual increase of labour force and growing
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,281
unemployment created by privatisation of public institutions and enterprises. A new
process of accumulation by dispossession was ongoing in these countries creating a new
wave of labour surplus that fed an expelling population platform. Nicaragua was the
country that prompted privatisation in a more radical way and Costa Rica the extreme
opposite.
This migration contributed to the process of production of a growing transnational social
space and development in the region. One of the best expressions of this space are
remittances that migrants send to their families and communities in their countries of
origin. In the Nicaraguan case, a significant part of its remittances are coming from their
immigrants in Costa Rica.
As has been showed in Chapter 7, Costa Rica was not privatising its main public
institutions but also was transforming the economic structure expanding traditional
activities, such as coffee and bananas, but generating new ones, such as tourism, non
traditional agriculture crops to export, maqui/as, new services, and so on. Hence, the
country was not expelling labour force but, to the contrary, required to attract labour in a
moment that Nicaragua was generating unemployment in a massive way. It is clear, that the
previous migration experiences and the proximity between the two countries contributed
to facilitate an increasing flow of population from Nicaragua to Costa Rica. The Costa
Rican Census and the thesis survey showed that the turning point was in 1995, producing
what is conceptualised as a structural contingency, a transnational social spac,e in which
Nicaragua supply labour and Costa Rica the main economic activiries and capital.
In summary, it is possible to conclude that the Neoliberal transformation of these societies
changed the game of opportunities for collective and individual agents, concentrating even
more the access to material and symbolic resources in very few people. With regard to
migration trends in this period, although the link or relationship between structural
adjustment and migration requires more research, it is evident that in the Nicaraguan case,
the social outcomes of economic adjustment provide evidence that may help explain the
pressure to migrate in the last ten years has been a massive reduction in employment in the
public sector and deregulation of a wide labour markets, which have precarious
employment conditions. In the rural area, lack of credit and technical support for small and
medium producers, has contributed to dismantling the Revolution's land reform, creating a
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,282
strong pressure to re-concentrated land tenure. Again, like in the past, rural population is
facing the dilemma of migrating to Costa Rica to save remittances to produce and survive
in Nicaragua, creating a transnational dynamics that allow peasantry to resist the pressure to
give up their small farms.
As was demonstrated in the thesis, this process facilitated the interpenetration of labour
dynamics between the two countries, linking the economic structures and labour markets
of both countties. Along these lines, it is clear that the question of labour has been central
to this coincidence, particularly through the creation of a large surplus labour force in
Nicaragua as a consequence of the impacts of the Neoliberal development process.
Conversely, during this same period, Costa Rica began a gradual but continuous economic
transformation process that included a significant diversification of exports.
This diversification was made possible in good part because of the attraction of thousands
of both male and female Nicaraguan immigrants. Hence, the increasing transnational
linkage between Costa Rica and Nicaragua is reflected in a growing labour and economic
interdependence which is now a structural characteristic between the two countries has
created various forms of transnationallinkages (including families divided by the physical
border between the two countries as well as mixed families reflective of an impressive
laboratory of cultural, economic, and social mestizqje).
In relation to the functionality of these migration dynamics, the mam finding of the
research is that they have served two purposes. In Nicaragua, transnational migration has
helped to decrease social pressure by reducing the demand for jobs and public services. In
addition, migrants send money (remittances) back to their families, which contributes to
their microeconomic subsistence and helps to mitigate the macroeconomic trade deficit
that exists in Nicaragua. This functionality has worked as a sort of escape valve for the
ruling class and the power elite which could help to explain what I have named a politics
and culture of silence about the large expulsion of population that has been occurring in
Nicaragua since the beginning of the 1990s.
In Costa Rica, migration has increased the supply of productive-age workers, contributing
to a continuous economic expansion and increased profits for businesses that hire migrant
workers. As has been demonstrated by other scholars, most of the Nicaraguan migrants
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _283
work in labour markets that require non-qualified workers while most of the Costa Rican
labour force has improved their position in the labour market labour and moved into more
qualified jobs. This has been possible thanks to the way in which the Nicaraguan migrants
have helped to create a variety of dual labour markets, markets which have been segmented
by the rising xenophobia and the undocumented status of many Nicaraguan migrants
(features that facilitate their over-exploitation and the violation of their labour rights). For
all these reasons and contrary to some discourses that portray Nicaraguans as a great
burden for Costa Rican society, it is possible to affirm that the existence of Nicaraguan
immigration has been a factor that has contributed significantly to the level of
competitiveness of the Costa Rican economy. This is particularly evident in the case of
export agriculture, where Costa Rican producers would not be able to compete with the
rest of the Central American producers without the advantages created by the presence of a
transnational seasonal rural migration from Nicaragua.
The detailed historical analysis and re-interpretation of the process of production of the
migration dynamics between the two countries that has been attempted in the thesis brings
me to one of the first major conclusions of the research, namely that, in the long-duree,
Nicaragua has served as one of the main sources of labour force for the Costa Rican
economy.
A particular relevant set of findings are related to the survey that this research developed
to
analyse seasonal rural migration from Nicaragua to Costa Rica in the studied period. It is
important to remind that seasonal rural migration is the less studied dynamic in part
because it is very difficult to grasp, it is a very mobile migration and the great majority are
undocumented immigrants making very difficult to interview them when they are working
in the recipient country.
Hence, an important contribution of this thesis is methodological, in the sense that it
explored this dynamic in the regions, communities and households of origin and not in the
recipient country, which made possible to explore the main characteristics of the migrants
and their households in the studied communities and their dynamic with Costa Rica. At
the end of the day the research strategy allowed me to study, not only the individual
migrants but also their families, as well as the effect that the migration had upon their social
reality. Beyond this, the fact that I carried out most of my fieldwork in the place of origin
The~s,
__________________________________________________________~284
of the migrants (as opposed to the more usual practice of concentrating research upon the
host communities) allowed me to analyse the quantitative importance of the phenomenon
in the selected communities and also to establish that there are important differences in the
rural migration dynamics between the rural communities of the three departments although
in general terms they share the same structural conditions created by the Neoliberal
reorientation of the style of development in Nicaragua during the period 1990-2003.
In terms of the main features and characteristics of the migrants and their households,
there are several relevant findings to emphasise here. In fact, the first finding to highlight
is that 22.3% of these rural households have immigrants in Costa Rica, which is a high rate,
although there are significant differences among the studied departments, with
communities of Esteli expelling the highest rate (41.2% of the households) and Lean with
the lowest rate of migration (9.6%). Although the majority of households with migration to
Costa Rica have only one member in that condition (60.3%), a significant 39.7% have more
than one.
The research also explored the the main socio-economic and demographic characteristics
of the migrants and their households, in the process highlighting the differences between
households with migration and households without migration. Here we can re-emphasize
some of the main findings of that analysis. Clearly the production of migration in the
studied households is a very complex phenomenon, which can by no means be considered
as a process oriented around a single factor, (as suggested by some demographic or
neoclassical approaches). Rather, it is a multi-factorial process in which the result migration- is produced by the interaction of many factors such as: the dependency ratio,
the average age of the migrant and the education level. In economic terms, the main
economic activities of the ftnca, as well as the size and type of ownership of the land, are
significant factors in explaining the decision to migrate or to stay. It is important to note
that some very important variables such as annual gross or net income were not significant
in discriminating between those households with migration and those without it. In fact, a
very relevant finding in explaining the decision not to migrate to Costa Rica is the frequent
existence of a 'backyard' economy (economia de patio) in the households without migration to
Costa Rica.
The~s,
_____________________________________________________________.285
In relation to the geographical dimension, a very interesting finding was the existence of
significant differences in the composition of the migration to Costa Rica from the rural
communities of the three selected Nicaraguan departments. This is perhaps seen most
clearly in the massive difference in migration levels between Lean (10 percent of
households) and Esteli (44 percent of households).There is also an important gender
dimension to the differentiation between the departments, with Lean having a higher level
of female than male migration in a process which is generally macho oriented, as confirmed
by the migration trends in the other two departments. The differences continue with the
average composition of the households in which Lean and Esteli have opposite results, and
so on. ' Again, what is important to emphasise is that a massive and national process such
as rural migration from Nicaragua, is not spread in an even manner througout the different
regions of the country, and its real understanding requires detailed analysis of these regional
differences.
In relation to this part of the analysis, it can be concluded that seasonal rural migration to
Costa Rica can be best conceptualised as part of a vulnerability reduction strategy of rural
households in a context in which the Neoliberal development reduced the opportunities
for their social and economic reproduction. In this context, it is important to highlight that
the households with migration are not the poorest households in the rural communities or,
to put it in more precise terms, there are households both above and below the poverty line
who participate in migration to Costa Rica. For many households seasonal migration is a
strategy to avoid falling into poverty. In other cases,' however, it is used as a strategy to
obtain savings that can allow the family to pal' debts, to improve their housing, buy
medicines or invest in the productive realm of the )inca. A very interesting finding related to
this point is that in Esteli's case, many youngsters are perceiving and using migration to
Costa Rica as a way to save money to buy their own farm, but also as a cultural escape
from patriarchal control and rural 'boredom'. The relatively more developed Costa Rican
countryside is, in some ways, playing the migration-pulling-role that used to be seen as the
exclusive preserve of the famous metaphor of the "city lights" in the attraction of rural
migration in the 1960s and 1970s, as part of the intense process of modernisation and
social change that occurred in most of Latin America during that period. Without any
doubt, this as an important component of the transnational social space between Nicaragua
and Costa Rica that is increasingly being built up by the migrants and is one of the on-
The5i5;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 286
gomg factors that is stimulating the reproduction of the migration dynamics, particularly
that of rural or seasonal migration.
'The thesis also explored how the households with migration experience the decision to
migrate of one or more of their members. 'The data showed and confirmed that, albeit with
different level of involvement and forms of participation, the decision to migrate tends to
be a collective and not an individual !Jroject, confirming what has been indicated by other
researchers and studies, that migration is a sort of "collective bet" of the family. Of course,
the involvement of the household in the decision making does not mean that it is a
democratic decision because these households tend to be patriarchal, and also because the
level of collective decision de!Jends of which member of the household is actually
intending to migrate.
One of the most interesting points relates
to
when the current migration dynamics
originated in the studied communities. In general terms, it is possible to establish the mid1990s as the moment when this particular seasonal migration emerged in coincidence with
a generalised socio-economic crisis in Nicaragua and the growing expansion of the Costa
Rican economy, reinforcing the idea of a historical coincidence. 'The analysis also
confirmed that the migration has been accumulative over time, albeit with a cyclical pattern
that has been affected by different social and environmental factors, including national
elections, and natural events such as Hurricane Mitch.
'The data collected to eX!Jlore the s!Jecific rural migration dynamics to Costa Rica from
Esteli, Chinandega and Leon included information from dimensions such as: the number
of times the migrants have travelled to Costa Rica, the length of their visits, the conditions
and cost of travel, the !Jrocess of decision making within the household, the social
networks they have in Costa Rica, the occu!Jation and location of the migrants in Costa
Rica and remittances (including the means of transfer, the amount, the periodicity and their
use by the households in Nicaragua. 'The information obtained confirmed the existence of
a very dense and complex transnational social space created by the migrants, their
households in Nicaragua and the economic activities that they developed in Costa Rica. It
also indicated the im!Jortance that this labour mobility has for the reci!Jient country
economy, in fact, many Costa Rican economic activities would be in severe problems
without this kind of migration.
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _.287
11.2 Contributions and reOections about theorising migration
One of the initial questions was to select a theoretical approach or framework that could
capture in all its complexity two basic aspects of the migration dynamics between
Nicaragua and Costa Rica from a long term perspective, on the one hand, how these
migration dynamics were produced, and, on the other hand, what were the main
characteristics of the migration dynamics, in evety studied period. The literature review
convinced me to opt for a sort of heterodox approach, combining authors such as Faist
and Portes that belong to the transnational migration school of thought that analyses
migration focusing in what they conceptualised as meso-level, meaning by that the social
networks that link the original society with the destiny by mean of the migration dynamics
with other authors that like Sassen and Harvey, contribute to explain the historical
production of social transformations and contexts that explains the creation of labour
surplus or scarcity, or the factors that stimulate 'or force that put people on the move, as
well as the necessary conditions to allow the reproduction of migration dynamics. At the
end of the day, migration is product of contingency and causality, of individual agency,
social networks and structural conditions.
In the case of the transnational approach, I think the key contribution to the
understanding of contemporary migration dynamics is the existence of a diverse range of
social networks that contribute to explain and sustain a great variety of migration flows.
This is the main contribution, beyond the concept of transnational migration in itself, wich
in the restrictive definition of Portes is not the most representative kind of migration of
present days. In this thesis, the existance and use of social networks, the meso-link in Faist
words, was demonstrated as well as their multiple functions in the process of migration,
that were key to the sustainabiJity of the seasonal migration dynamics. As was pointed out
in the analysis of the data, they play different roles, including bringing different types of
information, shelter, money, contacts for jobs. In the case of rural migration the networks
also play an important role in the money sending to their communities. Without any doubt,
the meso-link validity to explain the configuration and reproduction of migration as part of
wider transnational social spaces.
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~28
Another important element of this approach is that allowed to analyse the agency level,
that in terms of the case study was the migrants or their relatives (household level). In this
case, the data confirmed two things, firstly that, in general terms, migration was not an
individual adventure but a collective project involving the family in different forms and
commitment. Secondly, that migration was part of a income diversification strategy of the
households, not only to guarantee their simple reproduction, but beyond that to contribute
to their expanded reproduction as small and medium producers. An important evidence of
this point was that a significant part of the household with migrants, use their remittances
not only for food or services such as health or education, but also to pay debts (many of
them related to credit), or to invest in production (as was pointed out in the interviews,
with the remittances they financed the second harvest of the year), or to buy cattle and
livestock. Another important point is that the experience of migration is live in a very
different way in dependence of age and gender for example. It was interesting to observed
how for young people of the studied communities to migrate soon became not only an
economic issue but also a cultural sign of success or, how for relatively old migrants (more
than 35y.o., generally married) to migrate was something they actually suffered and they
would prefered to avoid. So, any approach to migration should keep an eye on how
migration is experienced by the individual migrants, how they 'read' the structural
conditions that make them to think in migration as a possible way to guarentee their
survival.
However, as was also pointed out in the theoretical chapter, the production of the
migration dynamics could not be seen as isolated of other geopolitical, economic, political
or social processes that occured in other scales. Along this line, it is possible to conclude
that to follow authors such as Portes and Sassen that conceive migratory transnational
space as multi-scale that involves individuals, their flows and networks of social relations,
their communities, but also national institutions like local and national governments and
immigration policies, or national and regional structures such as labour markets or
economic policies (portes et at, 1999; Sassen, 1988). Furthermore, it is important to bring a
historical light to these processes to understand how they were produced.
As was explained in the more historically oriented chapters 4, 5 and 6, the migration
between Nicaragua and Costa Rica is not new, and, as trend, they have been part of
geopolitical, political and economic transformations that involve not only the two
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _,289
countries, but also the Central American region in which the United States has played a
determinant role. Hence, if we think in migration dynamics as part of a wider transnational
social space, it is necessary to understand what is going on in terms of development in
different scales (region, national and local scales) that are contributing to produce
conditions of population expelling in the origin and of population pulling in the recipient
country.
In this thesis was particular useful the Harvey's concept of accumulation by dispossesion
to
explain the production of what was called as structural coincidence between Nicaragua
and Costa Rica in the 1990s that, in a resume version, is explained by the deep
transformation that occurred in Nicaragua when it passed from the revolutionary
development to a N eoliberal development at the beginning of the 1990s and, in Costa Rica
with the deepening of the transnationalisation of their economy at the same time. It is
important here to emphasize that this migratory transnational space is creating a solid
structural bond that articulate sectors and regions of both countries by mean of the
economic activity of the migrants that are small producers in one side of the border and
workers in the other side.
A final element to highlight about the importance of working with different scales is that it
allows to find important difference in the production of the migration dynamics that are
produced in part as consequence of the regional agro-ecological and historical
characteristics. Hence, in the case of the studied departments, the data showed that the
economic activities of the migrants and their relatives in their locations of origin
contributed to determine the kind of migration dynamic they have to Costa Rica. To put it
in a simple expression, the 'purest' seasonal rural migration was that of Condega, Esteli,
where the small peasantry was dominant. In synthesis, the geographical dimension
IS
fundamental to understand the main characteristics of the migration processes.
In theoretical terms, my main conclusion is that is time for synthesis, to understand
migration as a complex result of agency, social networks and structural conditions, and of
processes that are multidimensional and multiscale.
11.3 New perspectives for migration research in Central America
This thesis has emphasised that migration should not be studied as an isolated
phenomenon but as a process that is interwoved to economic, political, geopolitical and
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _290
social transformations that frequendy involves different scales (global, regional, national
and local). Along to these lines, there are two futured lines of research to be developed, on
the one hand, it is evident that globalisation has deepened transnational dynamics,
processes and relationships in different realms of social life. Different sort of migration
dynamics, including international, internal or transnational migration are part of these
transnational dynamics and social spaces.
However, the intensification and growing diversity of migration dynamics and flows has
not been accompanied by the creation of transnational and international regime of human
rights for the migrants. To the contrary, the immigration policies around the world are
more and more severe and exclusive against this population. In fact, most migrants live in
the worst possible world, without rights in the country of origin and in the country of
reception. They are, by definition, non citizens. This fact is creating what some scholars
have called the fourth world within the first world or, more precisely, in countries with
immigration. Fourth world inhabited by the slaves of the global era. This opens a research
field that should discuss the political, social, cultural and economic rights of the migrants in
a wider debate that should problematised the concept of citizenship, that up to day is
basically tied to the nationality or national identity. The question here is that taking in to
account the situation of millions of people, that are migrants, citizenship should be related
to nationality and not to the concept of inhabitant of a place. This debate has significant
political and social implications, namely, who should vote in presidential or national
elections, or who should be the beneficiaries of the public policies. It is important that, in
general terms, the Welfare State was developed by national citizens and in a period in
which many socities have a significant number of non national population this reallity
could contribute to create two kind of social classes, namely those cover by public policies
and those that are not. It seems that is time to put the traditional concept of citizenship
into question.
The other field of research is related to the process of globalisation and the growing
transnationalisation that is ongoing. The question here is what is going to happened with
the transnational processes and dynamics in periods of crisis? The main concern here is
that when the global, regional and national economies are suffering contraction, then the
first sector that probably would suffer lost of jobs are the immigrants, firsdy the
undocumented and secondly the regular immigrants. This opens several questions, what are
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _291
going to do the immigrants in the recipient country? How are they going to survive in a
context of growing hostility because the national workers feel that immigrants are -literallystealing their jobs?
What is this going to imply to their families in the country or
communities of origin? As was shown in this thesis but also in the consulted reference, in
Central America in general, and in Nicaragua in particular, there are thousands of families
that depends upon the remittances that the immigrants send to them. Furthermore, what is
going to happen to countries like Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala, that have a
significant percent of their National Income related to remittances. What is going to
happened in this countries if a good part of the immigrants decide to return to their
country of origin? So, this is not a minor issue. This is a field that should be developed with
urgency.
A final thought
I would like to finish this thesis by re-emphasising that, beyond this particular juncture,
there have been migration dynamics between Nicaragua and Costa Rica for a long time.
This has created a solid transnational social space between both countries. The existence of
these linkages and bonds, expressed in thousands of families with bi-national idenrities and
compositions, should obligate the power elites and ruling classes of both countries to take
migration seriously, in the process ending the culture and politics of silence about
migration in Nicaragua and eradicating the discriminatory and exclusive policies and
practices (and xenophobic attitudes) all too often observed in Costa Rica. Maybe it is time
to change approach. To think in transnational terms and to promote transnational policies
beyond national boundaries. Policies that would be oriented towards the improvement of
the living conditions of that significant part of the people of the two countries that cannot
exert one of their most basic human rights, the right to live decently in the land where they
were born.
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _.292
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Esteli, Nicaragua.
ICIDRI. (2000) Base de datos socioeconomica de Chinandegay Leon, Nicaragua..
- INEC. Gobierno de Costa Rica. (2000) eeaso Nacional de Poblaeion. En: www.inec.go.cr
INEC. Gobierno de Nicaragua. (2006) Nicaragua. Datos Basicos. En: http://www.inec.gob.nic
_ _.
(2005)
Nota sobre la historia
de
los cetlSOS en Nicaragua.
En:
http://www.inec.gob.ni/notas/mediosprensa/nota130505.pdf
_ _. (2001) Perfil y Caracteristicas de los Pobres en Nicaragua. Encuesta Nacional de Hogares sobre
Medicion del Nivel de Vida, 2001. Managua: INEC.
- _ _. (2001) Eneuesta de Medicion de Nivel de Vida, 2001. http://www.inec.gob.ni
__. (2004) Eneuesla de Medicion de Nive! de Vida, 2001. http://www.inec.gob.ni
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF LABOUR BUREAU OF INTERNATIONAL LABOUR
(2006)
Nicaragua.
http://www.doI.gov lILAB Imedia/reports loieal
AFFAIRS.
wagestudy/FSNicaragua.htm
-
-
-
-
-------------------------------------
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _
~304
ANNEX 1: Methodology of the workshop in Condega.
Metodologia del Encuentro
La migracion de Condega a Costa Rica
PRESENTACI6N
La rnigraci6n de caracter estacional, es cada vez mas comun en las comunidades rurales de
Nicaragua. Condega no es la excepci6n. A pesar de las marcadas diferencias, practicamente
todas las regiones del Municipio tienen rnigraci6n hacia Costa Rica. Por tal motivo,
Octupan ha decidido organizar un encuentro de dirigentes comunitanos, municipales y
sociales, para discutir la migraci6n de nuestra regi6n, realizar un diagn6srico y proponer
politicas para enfrentar la misma.
OB]ETIVOS DEL ENCUENTRO
Hacer una caracterizad6n de la dinamica migratoria y sus prindpales efectos en las
farnilias y las comunidades
Formular propuestas para evitar la migraci6n
Formular propuestas para redudr al maximo la situad6n de vulnerabilidad de
quienes migran
METODOLOGiA
El encuentro combinara trabajo grupal con sesiones plenario para cada eje tematico.
Los mismos son tres:
Causas, caracterfsticas y balance de la dimimica migratoria
Acciones y politicas para evitar la migraci6n
Acciones y politicas para reducir la vulnerabilidad de las personas que tienen que
migrar
4. Dinamica grupal
Se organizanin dos grupos simultaneos: uno por cada tema.
Se harian mesas de trabajo, de hasta 10 personas como maximo
Cada grupo nombrara una persona que modere el debate y una para la presentad6n
de resultados en el plenario
La persona encargada de la presentaci6n de resultados y conclusiones en el plenario
deberi hacer notas, que se entregaran al final a la coordinadon del evento. Esas
notas, son distintas de 10 que se presente en el papelon 0 en pizarra
Se facilirara material de apoyo para la exposici6n
5. Plenarios
En la sesi6n plenaria, cada grupo tendri hasta 20 minutos para presentar sus
resultados y propuestas
Thesis_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~305
En eI derre de la actividad los organizadores haran una sintesis de las principales
conclusiones del encuentro
9:00 a.m.: Presentacion de la actividad (Ligia Monge) y de las personas participantes
(quienes son, que les motivo a participar en el taller)
1. 40 minutos
10.00 a.m.:Dinamica migratoria nica-tica
1. 1 hora de presentacion de documental "Desde el Barro al Sur"
2. 20 minutos de comentarios (A1berto Cortes)
3. 40 minutos del publico
12.00 md.: A1muerzo
1.00 pm.: Sesion de trabajo grupal: Un grupo sobre como evitar migracion y otro
grupo sobre como reducir vulnerabilidad y riesgo de los/ as migrantes.
1. 1 hora y 20 minutos
2.20 p.m.: Receso
1. 10 minutos
2.30 p.m.: Sesion plenaria para presentacion de informes de grupos y discusion
3.30 p.m.: Cierre del Encuentro
Thesis,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _~306
ANNEX 2. Semi-structured interview authorisation.
PROYECrO DE INVESTIGACION DOCTORAL
TRANSFORMACION RURAL Y MIGRACION DE NICARAGUA HACIA
COSTA RICA EN EL PERioDO 1990 2003
LOUGHBOROUGH UNIVERSUY, 2003
Entrevista semi-estructurada
Por este medio, autorizo aI senor Alberta Corte's Ramos, investigador del proyecto de
doctorado Transformaci6n rural y migraci6n de Nicaragua hacia Costa Rica en el periodo
1990-2003, Universidad de Loughborough, a que utilice la informaci6n de esta entrevista
con prop6sitos estrictamente acad€micos.
Nombre y apellido
Firma
-
307
Thesis
ANNEX 3: Rural Migration Questionnaite.
PROYECTO DE INVESTIGACI6N
TRANSFORMACI6N RURAL Y MIGRACION DE NICARAGUA HACIA COSTA RICA EN EL PERioDO 1990-2002
ENCUESTA
NAGAROTE Y LA PAZ CENTRO, CONDEGA, CHINANDEGA
LOUGHBOROUGH UNIVERSITY
FEBRERO-ABRIL 2003
FECHA:
1. C6DlGO DE ENCUESTA:
No. de cncuesta (digitalizador)
(Los primeros dos dfgitos reficren aI no. de la comunidad y Jos ultimos dos al numero dd encuestado. Ei.; 18-11 = corn. 18 yencuesta no. 11 en esta cornunidad).
,
I DATOS GENERALES
Edad
2. NOIllbrcs yapcllidos:
3. Ditecd6n de la vivicnda
areulo:
Municip.:
Comar'a:
4. Vivicnda
a. Prop!a (
)
b. AIquilada (
)
c. A cuidado (
5. Direcd6n de la unidad de producciQn
Cornatea'
)
d. Posada (
)
e.A meJias (
)
Municipio:
6. Datal! genernlcs del glu o familiar (Olden: primero 'cfeta.luego conyuge, despues hijos/ as de m.ayor a menot, finalmente otros familiarcs)
Actividad C(:onotnica
Rclaci6n con
&hd Lugar cl6nde naci6 (,Municipio y
ScJto
Estado
Escolar
principal actual
efe/ a familia y parentesco
Departamento)
Civil'
idad b
iefe/a
Oficio
Ocupaci6n
J
iv
v)
vi
vii
vii]
ix
EPE/A
Ingresos
____________________________________________________.308
I~
Th~,
11
1 1
1 1 1 1
1
a Estado civil actual: 1. Soltcro; 2. Casado/a; 3. Uni6n Ubre; 4. Viudo/a; 5. Divorciado; 6. Separado/a
b Arios de Escolaridad: Analfabeta (AN); Alfabetizado (AL); Primaria Incomplcta (PI) = menos de 6; Primaria Completa (PC) = 6; Sccundaria Incompleta (SI) = menos de
11; Secundaria Completa (SC) = 11; Educaci6n Tecmca (£1)::: 12; Universitaria Incompleta (UI) = menos de 16; Univcrsitaoa Complcta (UC)= 160 mils
n.
MIGRACION
7. e.En que afio llegaron a la comunidad?' _ _ _ _ _ __
8. Prcgunta para Jefe
a.Si(
0
b.No(
resJ>onsable del bogat: e.Se ha dcsJ>lazado
0
ha rnigrado a 10 larg<) de su vida adulta?
) PASARAPREGUNTA 17
9. e.D6nde residfa anterionncnte elJefe/a de familia?
Comunid.:
Munidp.:_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ Departam.: _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
10. Causas principaIcs de ultimo dcsplazamicnto
a. Mejorar ingresos ( ) b. Trabajo permanentc(
c. Trabajo de temporada( ) d. Cambio de residencia(
e. Estudios(
f. Familiares( ) g. Reforma Agraria
h. Otros (Especifique) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ___ i. No sabe (
11. Cuando decidi6 emigrar, e.tenfa trabajo aquf?
a. Si (
SI LA RESPUESTAES SI, SIGAALA12h. No (
) SI LA RESPUES'I'AES NO, SIGAALA13
+
12. e.Que tipo de uabajo tettia ?
a. Permanente (
h. Estadonal
xvi)
Si no ten[a trabajo e.Busc6 antes de dccidir migrar?
a. Si (
) Pase a la 15.
14·ePorqunbsc6?~pif-
h. No ( ) Conteste la 14.
/
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
I
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _309
15. ePot qu~
emigt6?
a, Mejorar ingresos ( ) b. 'frabajo permanente( ) c. Trabajo de temporada( ) d, Cambio de residencia(
e, Estudios(
f. Familiares( ) g, Reforma Agraria ( ) h. Dtros (Espeeifigue) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ i. No sabe (
16. Historia de des lazamicntos de jcfcJa
Ano
Edadcn
moment
o desplaz
Lugar
Nicaragua: Municipio/Departamento
Costa Rica: Munic~ald,
Provincia
Lugar de residencia
Lugar de trabajo
Actividad ccon6miea y
oeupaci6n
Duraci6n
(meses,
aiios)
Causas de
desplazamientob
Estado civile
a Estaclonal- (E) perfodos de 6 meses a 9 mescs fuefa del lugar de reSldenaa, Seml-permancnte- (SP) Entre uno y dos anos, con VISltas cortas, Permanente (P) cambio
de residcncia.
h. Refonna Agtaria;
b a. Mcjores ingresos; b. Trabajo permanentc; c. Trabajo de temporada; d. Cambio de residencia; c. Estudios; f. Familiares; g. Dtros (E~pecif.gu);
i. No sabe
< Estado civil: 1. Solcero; 2. Casado/a 3. Uni6n Libre 4. Viudo/a 5. Divorciado 6. Separado/a
17. Pregunta para conyuge dcJcfc/a: eSc ha dcsplazado
a. Sir
b. No (
0
ha migrado a 10 largo de su vida? SI NO ESTA LA PERSONA, PASE AL ITEM 19
____________________________________________________.310
Th~li
18. H istona d e desplllzamicntos d ec6nVUR:c
Ann
&h
d
Lugat
Nicaragua; Munkipio/Dcpattamento
Costa Rica: Municipalidadl Provincia
Estados Unidos: Ciudad Estado
Accividad econ6mica
a a. MeJores mgresos, b. TrabaJo pennanente, c. TtabaJo de temporada, d. CamblO de rCSldenCl3, e.
i. No sabe
b Estado civil: L Soltero; 2. Casado/a 3, Union Libre 4. Viudo/a 5, Divorciado 6. Separado/a
19. En la familia, ccuantos han emigrado? (ESCRIBIR NUMERO DE PERSONAS)
SI CONTESTA NO PASAR A iTEM V: PERSONA RETORNADA DE COSTA RICA
Duraci6n
(meses,
anos)
EStudlOS,
Causas de
desplazamiento'
Estado civilb
f FamJilares, g. Otros (Especlfique), h. Reforma Agraria;
a. Femenino____ h. Masculino_____ c. Ninguno_
Thesis'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _.311
20.
I punl06,
,"ob,,,.d. '
h'tlyi"d
No.
"A
Nombre
#
1o""
vi.;o,
Viaje
Lugar de destino
(Municipio/Depa
tt.";,",o)
Cau~s
desplaz'
Afioen
Tiempo
u;,';
qu,
"Iovo
i'
"."io '
C"od.d
I
Po"
I "n qu' .'o!
I".
I Ultimo
Coo.
I
:6d.
Jltimo
I".
C6d.
llumo
,,,.
Coo.
Coo.
J
1".
I Ultimo
••. M,jo~:'Y
b.
. '
pago: l::::Hora ·2~Dia
. ,. ~,jo
d,
. d. "mbio d, ,"d'n~
3-Semana 4=Quincena 5=Mcs 6-Afio
C6d .
" f..
g. Otim' I
, h. No "b,
____________________________________________________,n2
The~,
21.
, Co,,,Rk.
"d. P'" ,no d,' C, .d," dol pun'o 6 0
"""0 '" ,o'on" 0I
A,"vid.d
No,
#
Nombre
~s
<hA
Lugar de destino
Causas
despJaz'
Viaj-e
Aii.oen
u~
,
Tiempo
qu,
estuvo
C,"od.d
I
Po~
I
Coo
.",
Ultimo
l"c
COd,
J"mo
,,,,
i
I
J
"ltimo
,,,,
C6d,
""mo
,,,.
IUltim,,. . M, io", j~g",o
b.
22.
", ' j
; .'~;j"
d, ,
3-Semana 4-Quim;ena 5=Mes 6-Aii.o
, I~:r"
i;
j .;f.
g,
Coo
; h. No "b,
d6nde emigr6 cl que es mas cercano al jcfe de familia? (pais, ciudad, municipio) _______________________________________
~Haci
23. tQue parcntesco tiene con et jefe de familia actual la persona que emigr6?
a. Papa/mama (
g. Nuera/yemo ( )
i,PQt
b. Hermano/a ( )
h. El jefe de familia (
c. Hiio/a (
)
d. Cuii.ado/a (
) e. Conyugue (
)
f. Tio/a (
que deddiO em;grar?
Mejorar ingrcsos ( ) b. Trabajo permancnte( ) c. Trabajo de tcmporada(
d. Cambio de residencia( ) e. Estudios(
f. Familiares( ) g. Reforma Agrnria ( ) h. Otros (Espccifique) _________________________ i. No sabe ( )
ll.
0,,",,
____________________________________________________________
The~s;
.!:Aqui Cl/clla tenfan trabajo
a.Si( )Pasaraia
0
fuentes de ingrcso?
b.No(
~31
Si la rcspucsta cs no haccr la siguicote prcgunta
Busc6 alguna vcz trabajo?
a. Si (
) Seguit a la 31
b.No (
) Pasar a la siguicnte
¥"
27 . .!:Por que no buse6? (especifiquc)___________________________
28. ~Quicn
decidi6 que cif clla emigrara?
a. Papa (
b. Mama (
c. Un familiar (
f. Otro,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
d. Todos (
c. El/Ella quiso irse (No haecr Giguientes pregunta)
Por que decidieron que el/clla fucra quien migrara?
a. Es mas joven (
b. Tiene amigos (
c. Tiene m:is experiencia (
f. Hay mas trabajo para clla (
g. Es la persona mayor ( ) h. Ma5 responsabie (
1.
d. Es mas listo/a (
i No aplica (
eEn que condiciones emlgt6 hacia Costa Rica?
Do<:umentado (
Si iba documcntado eontestc la siguiente b. Indocumentado (
k""""
..........
)
e. Ha viajado antes (
c. No sabe (
Pase a la 35 ;t'
Si viaj6 documcntado: equc tipo de permiso llcvaba?
a. Tarjeta de Trabajo Estacional (
b. Visa de Turista (
c. Salvoconducto (
eC6mo viajo?
a. Servido de bus intemadonal ( ) b. Transbordando (
e. Otro ___________
c. Otro (especifique)'____________________________________
Rccursos con que viaj6: ~de
d6ndc salicron?
a. Ahon:o (
b. Prestamo a un amigo (
c. Prestamo a familiar (
f. Venta de inmueble (
g. Apoyo de ONG U organizad6n social (
eCuanto eost6 cl viajc? (monto aproximado en e6rdobas
d. Permiso de res.idencia (
0
d. Prcstamo casa de empcilo (
)h.Otro._____________________
d6Iarcs)'____________________
e. Venta de bienes (
Thc8i8,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _314
Ha sido benefidado por la amnistfa migratoria 0 algu.n otro decreto del gobiemo costarricense?
a. Si ( ) Pase a la siguicntc pregunta
b. No ( ) Pase a la 37
/
eEn que ano la obtuvo?'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
eC6mo esla cstadia del micmbro de la familia?
a. Temporal (
)
b. Permanentc (
eEn que cst! trabajando actualmcntc?
a. Como domestiea (
c. Obrero industrial (
d. Celador (
e. Maquila (
b. En construccion (
h. No esta trabajando (
i. Otro (espccifique)I_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
g. Trabajador agrfcola (
f. Empleada de servicio (
j. No sabe (
eQue bencfidos lc trajo a su familia cl que emigrara?
a. Mayor ingreso (
c. Otros (Espedfique)'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ d. Ninguno (
b. Adquisici6n de nuevos conocimicntos y destrezas (
40. ,:Que bcneficios le trajo a ustcd migrar?
a. Mayor ingreso (
b. Adquisici6n de nuevos conocimicntos y destrezas (espccifique)'-_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
c. Dtros (EspecifiqlJ.e)
41. eQue perjuicios le trajo a
1. Separacion familiar (
d. Ninguno (
8U
familia cl que emigrata?
2. Otro (especifique)_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
3. Ninguno (
42. eQue perjuicil)s le trajo a ustcd migrar? _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
lCon que frecuencia recibe dinero del familiar (cs) que cst:i(n) en cl exterior?
a. Mensual (
) b. Cada dos mescs (
c. Tres 0 cuatro veces al ano (
44. eCuanto cs 10 que manda(n)?'_ _ _ _ __
,Por que mcdio cnvIa cl dincto?
a. No aplica (
d. Dos vcces al ano (
e. Una vez al ano (
f. Nunca mancla (
_,,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 315
a. Familiarcs (
h. Amigos cereanos (
c. Conocidos (
d. Agendas de cov/os ( )
f. Ot£O (especlfique) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
g. No aplica ( )
cEn qu~
e. Lo trae personalmente (
utilizan principalmente estc dinero?
a. leonina! de pagar deudas ( )
h. Alimcntaci6n ( )
c. Medicma (
d. Mcjoras en la casa ( ) e. Pagar escucla (
h. Inversi6n en finea (
i, Otros (cspecifiquc) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
( )
) f. Titulo de propicdad (
) g. Ganado
eLa persona que cnvia cl dincro decide en que sera utilizado?
b.No(
a.Si(
eQue nccesitaria para no tcnerque migrar?'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
eDeberla apoyarsc a los/as migraontc§ en su viaje a Costa Rica?
a. Si (
,.,.
h. No(
c. No sabe/No responde (
cC6rno?_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
Ill. GENERO
lQuiencs reaIizan Ias labores del hogar?
a. Mama (
b. Papa (
c. Abucla (
d. Hermana mayor (
e. Hermano mayor (
f. Tia (
g. TloC
h. Tadas (
g. Tia (
h. Tio (
1. OtroS (especifique)' _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
52. eQuicn asume totalmente la responsabilidad cuando es cl padre (
a. Mama (
b. Papa (
c. Abuela (
d. Abuelo (
)
0
madre (
) quien emigr6?
e. He_rmano mayor (
)
f. Hcrmana mayor
i. Otro,_ _ _ _ _ __
• En caso de que cl padre (
a.Si(
) 0 la madre (
b.No(
) esten afuera, lie consultan en la toma de decisiones del hogar?
Thesis;_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _316
IV. REDES SOClALES EN COSTA RICA
53. Informadon sobR! los patiences y amigos de la persona que tnigt6:
'cuantos viven en la actualidad en eR?
Rclaci6n al 'efe
Tios
Primos
Sobrinos
Cuiiados
Yernos 0 nueras
Suo
,
Ami
s cercanos
Ex - c6nvu,gues
Conocidos
54. <!,Tuvo contacto con ellos antes de irse?
a.Si( )
b.No( )
ss.
,:Rccib6 a1glin apoyo de familiares
a.Si( )
b.No(}
0
conocidos en eR?
c.Nosabe( )
56. lQuc tipo de apoyo? (especifiquc) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
57. eTcnla trabajo asegurado cuando decidi6 emigrar?
a.Si(
)
b.No(
)
V. PERSONA RETORNADA DE COSTA RICA
58. lTicne a1gu.n familiar que haya regresado redentemente al hogar?
Sexo
Parentesco con
Estado civil
Edad
Jefe/a
AI volver
AI me
a. Ninguna (
) PASE A ITEM VI. PERSONA QUE QUIERE EMIGRAR A COSTA RICA
59. ,:Cual fue la causa principal par la que dcddi6 iue a Costa Rica?
Escolariclad
D6cio
Lugar de d6nde vino
Thesis; _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _.317
a. MejOlar ingrcsos (
b. Trabajo permancnte(
) c. Trabajo ae temporada(
h. Otros (Espedfique) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
) d. Cambio de resldencia(
) e. Estudios(
)
£ Familiares(
60. eQue tan de acuctdo estuVQ su familia con eI viajc a Costa Rica?
a. Toulmente de acuerdo (
)
b. Paco dc acuerdo (
d. No precioo {
c. No aceptaron (
61. eParticipola familia en su decision de migtar a Costa Rica?
a. Mucho (
2. Paco (
3. Nada (
62. Abora que ha regtesado, equC comcntarios tiene
a. El trabajo es pesado (
f. No hay trabajo (
I:Ill
familia del viaje?
d. Cosas muy caus ( ) e. Ninguno (
) b. Gran progreso econ6mico ( ) c. Nuevas ensefunzas (
g. OtroS (especifique)_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
6l. En terminos generales ,como considera que est! actualmente su familia?
a. Mejor (
b. Igual (
c. Pear (
64. iPor que?
a. No obtuve un gran ingreso ( ) b. Mejores ingt:esos ( ) c. La situaci6n econ6mica es dura ( ) d. Trabajo estll.ble (
e. Estabilidadlabora! (
f. Otms (especifique)'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
65. eComo se siente despues de habcrse rcintcgrado a la familia nuevamente?
b. Inconforme(mama esm en el exterior) (
a. Bicn, alegre, felit (
c. Otro (especifique) (
66. eComo fue recibido/a cn su casa?
a. Con alegrla (
b. Bien (
c. Inconforme (
d. Otro (espccifique) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
67. En Sll comunidad, ,Como le recibicton?
a. Muy hien (
)
b. Bien (
c. Normal (
d. Mal recibida (
e. Otro (especifique} _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
68. eomente que costumbrcs perdio
a. Ninguna (
) b. Comida (
)
c, Vestir (
d. AcentQ (
e. Otlo
(c~peifl\:ru)
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
The~i
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _318
69. Comcnte que costumbres gan6
a. Fonna de hablar (
b. Edueaci6n (
)
c. Ser rcsponsable (
e. A1imentaci6n (
d. Forma de vestir (
) f. Otro (especifique)_ __
70. ,Patticipo su familia en su decision de rcgresar a Nicaragua?
b. Poco (
a. Mucho (
c. Nada (
71. ,Cu:i.1 fue b principal causa de
a. Problemas familiarcs (
c. Visa vencida (
/lU
regrcso?
) b. Visitando (
) d. Deportado ( )
) PASAR AI. PUNTO VI. PERSONA QUE QUIERE EMIGRAR ...
e. Actividad firutlizada ( )
f. Otro (especifique) (
)
72. ,Cuanto tiempo estuvo fuera del pafs?_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
73. En esta estancia fuera del pals, ,que habilidades dcsarrollo?
a. Ninguna (
b. Constl"Uctor ( ) c. FontanerIa (
d. Electricidad ( ) e. Estudiar (
f. Nuevas destrezas (especifique}! _ _ _ _ _ __
g. Nuevas tecnicas de producci6n agrIcola (especifique) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ h. Administrar mejor e1 dincro (
i. OtrO (especifique} _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
74. ,En que trabaj61a mayor parte del tiempo?
a.Como domescica (
b. En la construcci6n (
c. Maquila (
)
d. Obrcro industrial (
)
e. Ce1ador (
) f. Empleada de servicios (
g. Trabajador agrieola (espccifique en <Jue accividaoes'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
h. OtrO (espccifique)! _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
75. .:Cada :~anto
enviaba dinero a su familia?, _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
76. .:Cminto era et monto que enviaba?_ _ _ _ _ __
77. .:Dccidia usted sobre cl uso del dincro que enviaba?
a.Si(
b.Noe
78. .:Quc cfectos tcnia para ustcd cl enviar dinero a su familia?
a. Positivos (
) b. Negativos (
Th~,
__________________________________________319
79. (Por que?
a. Mejoras en cl hogar (
f. Lo administran bien (
) b. Alimentaci6n (
c. Supli( neccsidades (
d. Pago educaci6n hijos ( ) c. Asumir responsabilidad (
) g. Compra de animales (
h. Quo (espccifi<Jue)_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ___
80. (Cual considcra usted que fue
et principal problema dcntro de la familia que ttajo la migraci6n?
a. Ninguno ( ) b. ProbJemas econ6micos ( ) e. No hay trabajo ( ) d. Desacuerdo ( ) e. Desintegtaci6n familiar (
Dtro (especifique)I_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
81. (Cuwes fueton las principales ventajas de habet migrado?
b.Adquisici6n de nuevos conocimientos y dest!Czas (
a. Mayores ingresos (
)
c. Nuevas oportunidades de trabajo 0 estudio (
d. Quos (especifique) _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
82. ePi<:.nsa tcgresar a Costa Rica?
a. Sf piensa regresar, de irunediato (
b. Piensa regresar mas adelante (
) c. No regresanL(
83. ePor que 10 haria 0 no 10 hada?'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
84. ePiensa llevarse a alguien de la familia?
a.Si(
Z.No(
85. c!Aquien? (AnOWt patenteseo, genero yedad?'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
86. (Por que quiele llcvatsclo/a?_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
87. (Que ncccsitarfa usted para no tener que migrar?'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ___
88. (Recibi6 a1giln apoyo del gobierno de Nicaragua?
a.Si(
Z.No(
89. (Que tipo de apoyo rccibi6?_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
90. c!Debcda apoyarsc a 10s migrantes durante su cstadla en Costa Rica?
a. Si ( )
,:C6mo?____________________________________________________________________
b. No (
)
91. ,Dcberia apoyarse a loa migrantes cn el retorno a Nicaragua?
a.&( )lC6mo?'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
~
Thesisl_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _.320
b.No(
)
VI. PERSONA QUE QUIERE EMIGRAR A COSTA RICA
92. eHay alguien de la familia que actualmente eSla haciendo planes para irse a Costa Rica?
a. Si (
b. No ( ) Tcrmino entrevista
93. Parentesco con cl Jefe/a de familia _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ,,'".,_ _ _ _ Edad'_ _ __
94. eHacia donde piensa ir?
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
Lu~r·
Rural (
Urbano (
95. eCuaJ. es la raz6n por la que quiere irse?
<.::. Ayudru: '1 famili? ( ) d. ReuciflcaciOn familiar (
Bu~<':lt
un tnbajc ( )
b. Mejme$ ingre'!.O~
(
f. Otro (espedfique)' _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
Il.
c. N uevas expectivas de estudio (
)
96. ,Cuanto tiempo piensa quedarse?·_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
97. ,Tiene trabajo asegurado?
a.Si()
b.No(
98. ,Tiene contactos alU?
a.Si(
b.No(
99. ,Que tipo de vinculo tiene con ellos?
o~,
a. Familiar (
)
b. Amistad (
) c. Lahoral
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ ___
100. eQue tipo de apoyo le brindan?
a. Hospedaje ( ) b. Contactos ( ) c.Otro,_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
101. ,Que necesitarla ustcd para no tenet que migrar?'_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
102. eDebcrla apoyarse la emigraeion?
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __
a.SiC
)~C6mo?'
b.No(
)
NO OLVIDAR PEDIR DIRECCION DE FAMIUARES 0 FO&\!A DE CONTACTARLOS EN COSTA RICA
FIN DE ENTREVISTA, MUCHAS GRACIAS!!!!!
-
-
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Alberto Cortés Ramos